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The second leak of audio recordings from the “Hondurasgate” scandal, exclusively released by Canal Red, exposes a US-led plan to destabilize the governments of Mexico and Colombia. The strategy involves a coordinated media disinformation campaign orchestrated from the US and Argentinian presidencies.
By Valeria Duarte Galleguillos – Apr 30, 2026
What does it mean that the former president of Honduras, convicted of drug trafficking in the US and pardoned by Trump, is acting as an operator for the MAGA administration in Latin America? The geopolitical context is key to understanding this. While China consolidates its dominance in the processing of critical minerals, controlling more than 85% of the world’s rare earth refining, the US has intensified efforts to secure its “spheres of influence.” This struggle transcends natural resources, focusing on the control of supply chains and the imposition of a specific development model over Latin America and the Caribbean.
Juan Orlando, Trump’s operative against Mexico and Colombia
The leaked audio recordings of conversations between Hernández, Nasry Asfura, and Vice President María Antonieta Mejía reveal the formation of a communications team financed with Honduran public funds and contributions from Javier Milei’s government exceeding half a million dollars. Their objective: to launch a media attack against the governments of Gustavo Petro in Colombia and Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico.
The operation is not a coincidence. In 2025, Trump publicly accused Petro of being a “drug trafficking” leader and hinted at a possible ground intervention in Mexico to “combat” the cartels. The Hondurasgate audio we published today implicates several Honduran political figures in these interference operations, assembling and financing a team to produce fake news with people close to Donald Trump. According to the audio, Javier Milei allegedly participated in financing the operation.
Audio: Call between Juan Orlando Hernández (JOH) and Nasry Asfura (NA), Jan. 30, 2026
JOH: I need you to please send about $150,000 to Rosales’ account, because we’re going to rent an apartment here and set up an office there to establish a Digital Journalism Unit. Someone else from here, from the US president’s team, will manage it. Well, he’s one of the Republicans who are helping us. They’re going to set up a news site where they will publish important information about Manuel Zelaya and Xiomara Castro.
NA: I’m going to transfer it from a friend’s account. Let’s see if they can give it to you in cash, but explain to me what we’re going to do with it, what we gain from it.
JOH: We’re going to set up a presidential cell. From here, from the US, an information hub, so they can’t track us there in Honduras. It’s going to be like a Latin American news site. I was on a call with President Javier Milei and it was successful. Very, very, very good, and I think that at this point we can do great things for all of Latin America. There are some cases coming up against Mexico, some cases coming up against Colombia, and most importantly against Honduras, in this case against the Zelaya family.
NA: I also think you need a little more money. For yourself. So we’re going to send another 150,000. And that way you can survive a little longer. We’re going to take it from INSEP.
Audio: Call between María Antonieta Mejía (MAM) and Juan Orlando Hernández, January 30, 2026
JOH: And I need to have that liquidity because we’re going to set up an office here. With the support of some Republicans, we’ll be able to attack and eradicate the cancer of the left here in Honduras and throughout Latin America. I was telling President Asfura that we were able to speak with Javier Milei, and he’s also contributing $350,000. Another great friend of ours from Mexico is also supporting us, specifically regarding the Mexican issue. We’re quite ready and hoping this moves forward strongly. That’s why.
MAM: Mr. President, if you’d like, let’s skip the details. I just wanted to confirm the amount. Since I already know it, I’ll take care of everything. $300,000 then.
Military bases, ZEDEs, and the handover of territory
The spoils awaiting Washington in exchange for its support are the transformation of Honduras into a strategic enclave. The agreements include the expansion of the Employment and Development Zones (ZEDEs), the construction of a new military base, in addition to the Soto Cano Air Base (Palmerola), operated by the Southern Command since 1982, and a law incentivizing US investment in artificial intelligence.
The strategic objective is made explicit in the US National Security Strategy: “to deny non-hemispheric competitors the ability to position forces or other threatening capabilities.” In current geopolitical language, this translates into a clear guideline: to block Chinese influence in Latin America.
Furthermore, the construction of a Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) is planned for the Honduran capital, mirroring the repressive model used in El Salvador. The Salvadoran facility has been heavily criticized, as it has operated as a center for torture and human rights violations, according to reports from civil society human rights organizations.
Audio: Voice note from Nasry Asfura to Juan Orlando Hernández, February 10, 2026
NA: Mr. President, it’s a pleasure to greet you. We already had a private session with investment circles, and they are very positive about the expansion of the ZEDE in Roatán and in Comayagua, as well as Palmerola. We’re going to move another Palmerola project specifically to Roatán, where Próspera is located. A base, uh, we’ve already negotiated that. Also, the interoceanic corridor. We’re going to hand it over to General Electric. And the idea is also to buy all the metals and other materials, specifically from Argentina and the US, avoiding Canada and China, as those were the warnings we received. The Chinese were making offers. But we’re not going to give in. We’re going to put a stop to that. And the Honduran CECOT prison is also coming, inside Tegucigalpa.
Violence as a form of control
One of the most disturbing revelations in the audio is Hernández’s direct instruction to use “any type of violence” to keep the population under control, as requested by Trump. Juan Orlando Hernández relayed this order to Tomás Zambrano, president of the National Congress, even invoking the figure of drug trafficker Pablo Escobar as a reference.
Similarly, the voice of Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, the same head of the Armed Forces who led the coup against Manuel Zelaya in 2009, can be heard coordinating with the Armed Forces to “begin the hunt.”
Audio: Voice note from Juan Orlando Hernández to Tomás Zambrano, March 18, 2026
JOH: In Honduras, you need force, you need logistics, you need blood. If you want to control people, you need to oppress them. Squeeze them dry. Counter violence by generating violence. It’s whatever President Trump says, and you just have to pretend he’s going to be there forever. How? I don’t know, but you just have to take that seriously, and listen to me. And don’t be so soft, forget your heart. Don’t be so soft. Otherwise, you can’t do the job. That’s what Pablo Escobar said.
The culture battle: evangelical churches versus the left
The final pillar of the strategy is ideological. The audios reveal a plan to manipulate the “common sense” of the Honduran population so that they perceive the LIBRE party government as a failure, even though the plotters themselves acknowledge its achievements.
The operational arm of this culture battle are the evangelical churches. In Honduras, evangelicals have mobilized their parishioners in massive marches against the government of former president Xiomara Castro, such as the one convened in August 2025 under the slogan “for peace and in defense of democracy” in coordination with the Honduran Council of Private Enterprise.
This is not an isolated phenomenon. In a country where a large part of the population identifies as Christian, religious polarization has become an effective political weapon.
Audio: Voice note from Juan Orlando to Tomás Zambrano, April 9, 2026
JOH: And we need to do something even more important, which is to get all the churches on board to support us. The churches are the ones who will make sure people forget the past. And that they think it was the left that did it.
President Diaz-Canel Calls To Avoid a US Imperialist Aggression on Cuba
A continental strategy
This second batch of audio recordings would confirm that Honduras is just one piece in a larger game. The US strategy, executed by local operatives like Juan Orlando Hernández, seeks to regain hegemonic control of the region—that is, the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine—through a combination of lawfare, military control of strategic resources, narcoterrorism, and religious and media manipulation.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/JRE/JB
From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
On April 25, activists and supporters from across southern Wisconsin gathered at the James Reeb Unitarian Universalist Hall to celebrate the 15th anniversary of the Wisconsin Bail Out the People Movement (WiBOPM or “We Bop ‘Em”). The joyful event emphasized solidarity with the LGBTQIA+ community, featuring talks and a drag show.
The WiBOPM was established in the wake of the historic 2011 occupation of the Wisconsin State Capitol to resist then-Gov. Scott Walker’s plans to gut collective bargaining. At its height, more than 100,000 union workers and community members joined the protests.
Today, WiBOPM is a multigenerational group with statewide reach and much experience under its belt, from supporting strikes in Madison to protesting racist police terror in Milwaukee, from opposing ICE terror against immigrants to demanding an end to US wars.
Activists and allies traveled from cities and towns across southern Wisconsin to join the celebration, including members of the Burlington Coalition for Dismantling Racism Plus (BCDR+) and Indivisible Winnebago WI.
WiBOPM’s distinctive yellow banners and colorful protest signs, seen at protests and meetings throughout the state, were hung throughout the event space.
A representative of the James Reeb Unitarian Universalist congregation welcomed the crowd, explaining that Reeb was a minister murdered by white supremacists in Selma, Alabama, during the Civil Rights movement.

A sign saying “Free Salah Sarsour now!” Photo: SLL.
Kai Rasmussen of WiBOPM laid out the agenda for the evening, drawing special attention to the many photo displays highlighting the group’s history and the contributions of trans activists like Marsha P. Johnson, Sylvia Rivera, and Leslie Feinberg. A table was set up for people to write solidarity messages to Salah Sarsour, a Palestinian community leader from Milwaukee, kidnapped by ICE on March 30.

Bryan Pfeifer of WiBOPM. Photo: SLL.
WiBOPM founder and longtime labor organizer Bryan Pfeifer recounted how the group mobilized to protect the LGBTQIA+ community when the neo-Nazi “Blood Tribe” menaced the Watertown Pride event in July 2023. A few months later, WiBOPM organized a counter-protest that drove the fascists out when they attempted to march on the State Capitol in Madison.

Bianca Tomasini, Voces de la Frontera. Photo: SLL.
Bianca Tomasini of the immigrant rights movement Voces de la Frontera said: ”We are very grateful for all the times you have been there with Voces and for your support building May Day. Our members appreciate the allies who are stepping up. It’s a big deal for them to know they are not alone.”

Joanna Weir, Starbucks Workers United. Photo: SLL.
Joanna Weir, a Starbucks Workers United leader and WiBOPM activist, talked about the group’s work in solidarity with the Red Cup Rebellion, when baristas went on strike during the 2025 holiday season.
Ric Urrutia, a labor activist from Colorado who specializes in corporate research, spoke about how WiBOPM has organized teach-ins around the state to help local activists discover and expose the connections between big business, ICE, and data centers.
To mark the close of Lesbian Visibility Week, retired union member and WiBOPM activist Jana Bannon was honored for her contributions stretching back to the struggle to end the Vietnam War. Bannon was presented with a bouquet by WiBOPM’s Karissa Red Bear.
Struggle-La Lucha writer Melinda Butterfield was the keynote speaker, representing Women In Struggle-Mujeres En Lucha. Butterfield, visiting from New York City, was born and grew up in Wisconsin. “When I was a teenager in rural Wisconsin, I dreamed of finding an organization like this one,” she said. “I’m so glad it exists now.”
Butterfield spoke about the legacy of revolutionary transgender author and activist Leslie Feinberg for today’s struggle. Both Butterfield and Pfeifer worked with Feinberg, who passed away in 2014.
Brooklyn March To Free Cilia Flores: Solidarity With Venezuelan Women!
“Solidarity is hard when it feels like you’re the only side showing up, when trans people’s health care and rights are being stripped away, and cisgender people, including many left and progressive organizations, seem mostly unaware and unconcerned,” Butterfield said.
“But Leslie Feinberg argued that, as hard as it may be, trans people can’t isolate ourselves from the rest of the working class. We’re a small population—about 1% of people in the US by current measures—and to advance, we need the solidarity of our working-class siblings. But equally important, to change society, they need us.
“The way that our very existence challenges the underpinnings of capitalist patriarchy; the way our difficult life experiences gives us empathy, resourcefulness, and incredible internal strength—these things are necessary for the broader movement if we are going to advance to a new, more humane system and save the planet.”
Capping off the celebration was a fierce and fiery drag show organized by Madison icon and trans activist Cass Marie Domino. Energetic performances by Andi Withani Domino, Jacq Infiniti-Hall, Cici Voyer, and Pony Boy, accompanied by DJ Ravyn, had the crowd clapping and jumping to their feet.
The event concluded with people taking stacks of leaflets and posters to distribute for May Day.
Another 15th anniversary event is planned for August 22 in Milwaukee. For more information and to get involved with WiBOPM, follow @wi.bopm on Instagram or visit wibailoutpeople.org.
From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
The acting president of Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, sent a message of congratulations to the re-elected Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, Gaston Browne, after his victory in the recent elections was confirmed.
In an official statement on Friday, May 1, Rodríguez highlighted the democratic participation of the citizens of Antigua and Barbuda, who went to the polls on Thursday to elect their parliamentary representatives.
The statement added that this electoral result represents a renewal of the people’s trust in Browne’s leadership and guarantees the continuity of his government project.
Rodríguez stated that Venezuela celebrates this victory with genuine appreciation, reaffirming the close political and diplomatic relationship that the two countries have within the framework of regional integration.
She also reiterated the Venezuelan government’s commitment to continue strengthening the bonds of brotherhood and solidarity that unite the two nations.
In her message, she emphasized Venezuela’s commitment to advancing together on a common agenda oriented toward the development and shared well-being of the peoples of the Caribbean through strategic cooperation mechanisms.
This statement reaffirms Venezuela’s foreign policy based on consolidating alliances with Caribbean nations to address the region’s economic and social challenges.
The acting president concluded her message by celebrating Antigua and Barbuda’s democratic stability and wishing Browne success in his new term as prime minister.
Venezuela congratulates the people of Antigua and Barbuda
In a statement issued by the Foreign Ministry, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela extended its most sincere congratulations to the people and government of Antigua and Barbuda following the general election held on April 30, 2026.
According to the Venezuelan official statement, the electoral process not only reaffirms Antigua and Barbuda’s unwavering democratic commitment but also stands as an exemplary testament to civic duty and popular sovereignty.
Antigua and Barbuda Holds Early Elections as PM Browne Seeks Fourth Term
The statement further congratulated the Labor Party of Antigua and Barbuda and, in particular, Prime Minister Gaston Browne for his electoral victory, which grants him the citizenry’s support to begin a fourth consecutive term.
“This result is a clear reflection of the trust placed in his leadership and vision to guide the destinies of the Caribbean island,” the statement declared.
The statement reiterated that the Venezuelan government reaffirms its firm commitment to continue strengthening the bonds of brotherhood and bilateral cooperation.
Venezuela is committed to deepening initiatives that promote the comprehensive development of both nations, based on the principles of solidarity, complementarity, and mutual respect that have historically guided diplomatic relations between the two states.
(Últimas Noticias) by Olys Guárate
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/SC/SH
From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
This column by Fabrizio Mejía Madrid originally appeared in the May 1, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo. The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project*.*
CIA agents Richard Leiter Johnston and John Dudley Black, who died in a reported car crash in Chihuahua, departed from a Covert Operations office in Monterrey, Nuevo León. This led to the National Action Party (PAN) joining the defense of the Chihuahua governor in support of the CIA, a defense also offered by the Citizen Movement Party. This office was established after John Ratcliffe became CIA director. A staunch supporter of Donald Trump, Ratcliffe, who received 20 Democratic votes for his Senate confirmation, has stated that the Counternarcotics Mission Center of the Americas, as its headquarters in Virginia is called, prioritizes U.S. security over the sovereignty of other countries. He also urged covert agents not to fear the risks of operating on U.S. soil. In other words, what Trump’s CIA wants is to enter other countries without permission and carry out police work that it isn’t even authorized to do in its own country because it’s another agency, the FBI, that legally has the authority to arrest people. But if it’s Mexico, the CIA acts with impunity, especially when it’s protected by subservient governors like Maru Campos and Samuel García.

CIA Director John Ratcliffe promised promised he would make the CIA more willing to conduct covert action, “going places no one else can go and doing things no one else can do.”
Since the Joe Biden years, and even more so during Trump’s second term, MQ-9 Reaper drones brought from Iraq and Syria have been used on Mexican soil to attack Mexican authorities without warning. Undercover agents have been disguised in state police uniforms, and, in general, everything that entails is that this public health issue in the United States is being addressed as a counterterrorism problem in Latin America. The fact that they were previously drug cartels and are now terrorist organizations changes the perspective from which the United States addresses it: before with the DEA, now with the CIA and the U.S. military. That was the change Donald Trump made, and that is the gravity of it.
I read, without giving credence to the Calderón-era columnists: why is Mexico protesting if the only thing that matters is that a drug lab was raided? There are three responses to this kind of irresponsible capitulation: first, sovereignty implies that Mexico has a protocol with U.S. agencies requiring permission to collaborate, and that is constitutionally legal in this country, whether they like it or not; second, Mexican authorities don’t need the CIA to dismantle laboratories, considering that during Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration, 2,592 laboratories were dismantled and two trillion pesos were seized, and so far under Claudia Sheinbaum, the average is four laboratories destroyed per day, meaning approximately 1,887 to date; third, this counterterrorism tactic constitutes a violation of human rights because there is no authority to answer to, as seen in the case of Maru Campos blaming the deceased, Pedro Román Oceguera, director of her state intelligence agency in Chihuahua. And, since he is dead, that’s where the explanations end because he cannot testify. With that trick, plus the resignation of her Attorney General Jáuregui—the same one who had lied about CIA agents flying drones nearby and who had asked the state police for a ride—Maru Campos intends to close the case and had the political indecency to stand up the Senate committee that required her to give some kind of explanation.

But the last point—that of the agents disguised as Chihuahua police officers—is worth understanding in more detail to grasp the gravity of what Campos and García have been supporting on the northern border of the Republic. Richard Leiter Johnston had been transferred from Afghanistan and Iraq to northern Mexico, along with the drones that were used in Iraq and Syria against Al-Qaeda and ISIS, themselves creations of the United States. There in West Asia, Leiter participated in the founding of a monstrosity in the southeastern region of Afghanistan, bordering Pakistan, called KP units, short for Khost Protection Force, the CIA’s paramilitary group. These KP units were based at Camp Chapman, the largest CIA base for covert operations in the world.
The idea behind the creation of these KP units was for them to undertake actions that, for legal reasons, the military could not justify. This included severe human rights violations, alteration of the nation’s infrastructure without any accountability, torture, murder, and kidnapping. The KP units were composed of local personnel who spoke the language but were under the orders of CIA agents. This made the Chihuahuans involved in the supposed dismantling of the laboratory subordinates of the Americans. We tend to think that the CIA agents were collaborating or simply observing, but that’s not the case. The KP units were directed by the Americans, by the CIA. This made the CIA agents in Chihuahua criminals who didn’t report their activities to anyone. They operated under Title 50 of the U.S. Security Act, which states that a President can order covert operations and deny their existence to any authority. In other words, these KP units operated outside the law of any country.
The history of KP units in Latin America is tragic. In Venezuela, they carried out sabotage operations to weaken the national army’s response when President Nicolás Maduro was kidnapped. In Colombia, it was the Jungle Command, a Green Beret group responsible for the summary executions of people whose identities—whether drug traffickers, guerrillas, or simply passersby—were never determined. In Panama City and Comalapa, El Salvador, they operate digital espionage centers monitoring phones and computers, without any judge ordering or prohibiting their activities. Impunity is the purpose behind the creation of these units. And, as far as we know, Maru Campos was involved in this. Nuevo León still needs to provide information about the CIA office in Monterrey.

In 2005, Americans massacred 24 men, women & children in an Iraqi town, Haditha.
They don’t capture people, they murder them. In case of mistaken identity, they claim that the innocent victims were actually members of a terrorist cell. They torture detainees before handing them over to any judicial authority. They violate the privacy of thousands of people through their networks of illegally intercepting conversations and text messages. A prime example was the Haditha massacre in Iraq, where 24 elderly people, children, women, and babies were murdered, and no judicial body could deliver justice because the killers argued that they were repelling an attack and that the deaths were caused by a terrorist bomb. Since there are no accountable authorities, the violation cannot be properly investigated. No one has been convicted for the Haditha massacre.

The next point is that this operation wasn’t simply about some Americans dismantling a supposed clandestine lab. The operation began in January when CIA agents Johnston and Black arrived at the Monterrey office, just as Radcliffe was confirmed as director of that spy agency by both Democrats and Republicans. The routes of precursor chemicals arriving from the Port of Mazatlán were mapped. For the covert activities in the Sierra Tarahumara, an agreement was made with Attorney General Jáuregui, the same one who claimed they were drone flight instructors and who has now resigned for lying. Between February and March, the MQ-9 drones began operating, their data being sent to the CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, which constitutes a serious violation of Mexican sovereignty. In March, agents disguised as state police officers also appeared to verify the drone data on the ground. These are at least three separate operations. Then came the failed one. It was Operation Guachochi, which involved raids on towns in the Sierra and interrogations. Until April 19, when the alleged landslide exposed these illegal and politically irresponsible activities.
Disguised as state police officers to avoid raising suspicion within the Mexican Army, Johnston and Black entered Mexico by lying about their legal status. One entered as a tourist and the other with a diplomatic passport. Their activities are prohibited by Article 71 of the National Security Law, passed in 2020, which states:
“Foreign Agents must observe the following provisions:
- They may only carry out liaison activities for the exchange of information with Mexican authorities in accordance with the provisions of the accreditation issued in their favor;
- They may not exercise the powers reserved to Mexican authorities nor may they apply or enforce foreign laws in national territory;
- They must refrain from making direct dealings with authorities other than the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the relevant agencies in accordance with the respective international cooperation agreements signed by the Mexican State on security matters and that contribute to preserving National Security;
- They must inform the relevant Mexican authorities, in accordance with the respective international cooperation agreements signed by the Mexican State regarding security and which contribute to preserving National Security, of the information they obtain in the exercise of their functions;
- They must submit a monthly report to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of Security and Citizen Protection regarding matters related to bilateral cooperation agreements signed by the Mexican State in the area of security that contribute to preserving National Security. This report must include the activities and actions they undertake with various federal, state, and municipal authorities. In all cases, they must maintain the confidentiality of the information they obtain as a result of applying the bilateral cooperation agreements, in accordance with the terms established therein.
- They shall be prohibited from carrying out or inducing third parties to carry out arrests, to carry out actions aimed at depriving people of their liberty, to trespass on private property or any other conduct that violates the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and applicable national laws;
- They must refrain from engaging in activities that endanger their physical safety. Consequently, they must comply with the criteria established by the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection, and
- They may only carry firearms that, if applicable, are authorized by the Ministry of National Defense.
As previously stated, Maru Campos violated the provisions of this National Security Law by allowing a hybrid unit, also known as a KP unit, to operate independently in the mountains of her state, a region she herself has never visited. She faces numerous accusations, including receiving a 10.3 million peso bribe to avoid prosecuting former governor César Duarte, who recently returned to prison. Campos also forgave César Duarte’s family 34 million pesos in taxes, despite this being prohibited by the Constitution. But, well, Maru and legality don’t exactly go hand in hand. Furthermore, she has spent two billion pesos cleaning up her image in the media, buying articles, columnists, and personal advertising. This two billion pesos is public money. As if this weren’t scandalous enough, she has indebted her state by three billion pesos, a debt that will continue for another 25 years, until April 2026, or until 2051.

A 2023 confrontation in Guachochi, Chihuahua left eight dead.
Her failure to address security is almost as scandalous as her corruption. Chihuahua has the second-highest homicide rate in the country, after Guanajuato. With only three percent of Mexico’s population, it accounts for eight percent of the nation’s crime. From 2020 to 2025, kidnappings in the state increased by 355 percent, an 81 percent increase in the last three years alone. Given this level of insecurity, the Governor of Chihuahua thought it was a good idea to dismantle alleged methamphetamine labs in the Sierra Tarahumara so that addicts from Texas and Arizona wouldn’t buy them. She has rejected social welfare programs that address the root causes of crime, was the only governor to prohibit the distribution of free textbooks in her state’s public schools, and now she is defying the executive branch by not answering the President’s calls, and the legislative branch by failing to appear before the Senate. She authorized the entry of an illegal unit led by CIA agents into national territory. She must face impeachment because, as in the case of Monterrey, some governors are blatantly disregarding the Constitution. It is a threat of secession from the Republic and must not be allowed.
As for the CIA, it has violated the Mexican Constitution and I do not believe that its prompt expulsion from the national territory can be avoided.
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Fracking & Sovereignty
May 3, 2026
When a measure that opens up strategic exploitation to private companies is applauded by the right wing, its business leaders, and spokespeople, can we expect it to translate into benefits for the majority, development, and national sovereignty?
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Expel the CIA
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
“The CIA has violated the Mexican Constitution and I do not believe that its prompt expulsion from the national territory can be avoided.”
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Audio Links Milei to Regional Disinformation Operation Against Sheinbaum & Petro
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
Argentine President Javier Milei reportedly contributed $350,000, according to audio recordings of former Honduran and drug trafficker President Juan Orlando Hernández.
The post Expel the CIA appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.
This article by Stella Calloni originally appeared in the May 2, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Buenos Aires. Argentine President Javier Milei allegedly contributed $350,000 to form a regional communications team to launch a media campaign against the presidents of Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum, and Colombia, Gustavo Petro, according to audio recordings of a conversation between former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández and current Honduran authorities, which caused a strong reaction in Argentina.
The audios “from WhatsApp, Signal and Telegram, are part of a detailed journalistic investigation published in Diario Red América Latina, directed by the Spaniard Pablo Iglesias (based in Mexico) and the Hondurasgate portal,” says the newspaper Página 12.
Hernández was arrested for drug trafficking in the United States in 2024, sentenced to 24 years in prison and pardoned by President Donald Trump, despite being one of the most important drug kingpins in the region.
In one of the audio recordings, Hernández stated that “as part of that group or ‘continental entity,’ Milei’s role is important because he contributes thousands of dollars to the construction of those fake news sources. We are going to set up a cell, President (of Honduras, Nasry Asfura). From here, from the United States, so that they can’t track us there in Honduras. It’s going to be like a Latin American news site,” the newspaper highlighted.
The audio also reveals that Hernández has the task of “attacking and eradicating the cancer of the left there, in Honduras and throughout Latin America,” Diario Red points out, for which he needs to organize and install in the United States a “digital journalism unit” that will be managed by “someone else from here, from the team of the President of the United States.”
In an audio recording from January 30, Hernández maintains that he was “on a call with President Javier Milei and it was successful. Very, very, very good, and I believe that at this point we can do great things for all of Latin America. There are pending cases against Mexico, there are pending cases against Colombia, and most importantly, against Honduras, in this case against the Zelaya family.”
On the same day, another conversation was leaked in which Hernández sends a message to the Vice President of Honduras, María Antonieta Mejía, telling her that he needs “that liquidity because we are going to set up an office here. With the support of some Republicans, we will be able to attack and eradicate the cancer of the left in Honduras and throughout Latin America.”
And again it emerges that he had sent messages to President Asfura and told him that he had been able to speak with Milei and “another great friend of ours from Mexico is also supporting us, now regarding the issue of Mexicans. We are quite ready and hoping that this will move forward strongly.”
Former Honduran President Hernández, a Trump protégé, also claimed that his pardon was obtained thanks to “the ‘money’ contributed by a group of rabbis,” and that is why everything he does is in favor of the United States and Israel, guaranteeing their control of the area “and, above all, ensuring a legal framework that benefits US and Israeli artificial intelligence companies.”
It was at Trump’s behest that this team was formed, following the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro Moro and his wife Cilia Flores on January 3rd. At that time, Milei ordered a campaign to be launched against the Venezuelan leader with a special protocol, offering the United States that Maduro would be arrested and “extradited” to Argentina.
Milei’s popularity is declining daily, and polls indicate that his popularity is at its lowest level in recent memory.
Currently, he faces demands for reports to parliament regarding the series of land and air military maneuvers taking place in Argentine Patagonia, part of whose territory has been handed over to foreign companies, and militarily to the Southern Command, in addition to the denunciation of the presence of 17,000 Israeli soldiers in that region.
In recent days, the demonstrations by the General Confederation of Labor on April 30th and then on May 1st, along with social organizations, led to decisions to move from offensive resistance through strikes and mobilizations, given the deteriorating social situation, and announced a national day of struggle, with a cessation of activities and mobilizations in the main cities of the country, for May 22nd.
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Fracking & Sovereignty
May 3, 2026
When a measure that opens up strategic exploitation to private companies is applauded by the right wing, its business leaders, and spokespeople, can we expect it to translate into benefits for the majority, development, and national sovereignty?
-
Expel the CIA
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
“The CIA has violated the Mexican Constitution and I do not believe that its prompt expulsion from the national territory can be avoided.”
-
Audio Links Milei to Regional Disinformation Operation Against Sheinbaum & Petro
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
Argentine President Javier Milei reportedly contributed $350,000, according to audio recordings of former Honduran and drug trafficker President Juan Orlando Hernández.
The post Audio Links Milei to Regional Disinformation Operation Against Sheinbaum & Petro appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.
This article by Arturo Sánchez Jiménez originally appeared in the May 2, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Villahermosa, Tabasco. Ahead of Morena’s extraordinary national congress, Tabasco Governor Javier May Rodríguez asserted this Saturday that the accusations leveled against state governors from the United States are part of a pressure campaign driven by interests over the country’s natural resources. He also denied any concern among governors from his party.
Interviewed at the Villahermosa International Airport, before traveling to Mexico City to participate in Sunday’s party meeting—in which the national leadership will be renewed and Ariadna Montiel is a candidate—May dismissed the notion that the accusations against the governor on leave from Sinaloa, Rubén Rocha Moya, and other officials for alleged links to the Sinaloa cartel have weakened the movement.
“It’s not the governors; they want our natural resources, our land,” he stated. He added that the United States is going through “a deep crisis” and is trying to blame foreign entities for problems that are also its own responsibility.
“They need to look inward: who distributes drugs in the United States, how drug money enters the financial market. It’s a shared responsibility, but they blame outsiders for the tragedy they are experiencing,” he said.
Regarding the accusations made public this week by US authorities, May maintained that it is “an act of interference, without evidence,” and asserted that it is part of “a media campaign orchestrated by the right” with the purpose of equating Morena with past governments.
When asked if he feared the accusations could extend to other leaders, he replied: “I am more than calm. We will never betray the people.”
He also rejected any possibility of foreign agency agents interfering in his administration. “None whatsoever. And if they raise the issue, it will have to be through legal channels, via the Secretariat of External Relations,” he said.
Regarding the Morena party congress, he anticipated that there will be a relevant statement on the current national political situation.
“Morena will emerge much stronger from tomorrow’s congress. It will be a very good congress, and also a moment to evaluate the entire national context we face,” he said, while confirming his support “for Ariadna, the party, and the movement.” “Our movement is at its best,” he declared.
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Tabasco Governor: US Accusations Against Morena Members are an “unsubstantiated act of interference”
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
Javier May Rodríguez said the US is going through a deep crisis and wants Mexico’s land and natural resources.
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Fracking & Sovereignty
May 3, 2026
When a measure that opens up strategic exploitation to private companies is applauded by the right wing, its business leaders, and spokespeople, can we expect it to translate into benefits for the majority, development, and national sovereignty?
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Expel the CIA
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
“The CIA has violated the Mexican Constitution and I do not believe that its prompt expulsion from the national territory can be avoided.”
The post Tabasco Governor: US Accusations Against Morena Members are an “unsubstantiated act of interference” appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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This editorial by Abraham Nuncio originally appeared in the April 30, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper. The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project*.*
Few moments in our contemporary history have been more urgent and valid to speak of national sovereignty than they are now. Various actors and political measures threaten, undermine, and weaken it. We see this in the practical decisions that the United States government makes in the name of its national security and the fight against drug trafficking against countries that do not fully align with its policies, including, notably, our own. We also observe it in the partisan opposition and its media and social expression, without ignoring measures taken by the Mexican government—both federal and some state—that have the same effect.
Today we are suffering the consequences of what many voices warned about regarding Ambassador Ronald D. Johnson’s interventionist and destabilizing past. Those warnings were dismissed, and his presence in our country was accepted. What, then, is the purpose of the agrément? Its application, in this case, would have spared us the serious problems we face today with an equally dangerous Lane Wilson.
National sovereignty—which also requires timely decisions—is broken down into many different dimensions: territorial, subsoil, airspace, hydrographic, and water resources. And also agricultural, health, educational, financial, and others.
The self-justifying and demagogic nature of the fight against drug trafficking was laid bare in the US military attack on Venezuela. Hospitals, research units, and civilian areas were bombed. None of the attacks targeted a single drug den. Of course, because even if one had existed, that wouldn’t have been their objective.
Thanks to important investigations and journalistic reports, we now know that drug traffickers, counterinsurgency paramilitaries, anti-terrorist forces, certain intellectual circles and media outlets are nothing more than instruments of the United States to destabilize governments and legitimize its neocolonial atrocities in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean.
There are various cracks through which the maneuvers of both the one and the other in the anti-sovereign war can seep in. The economic crack is the largest.
In an article in El Coahuilense, we read that more than 35 organizations protested against fracking. We found neither the civic awareness nor the journalism of that publication in Nuevo León. “They assert that while Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum proposes a ‘scientific committee’ to discuss supposedly sustainable fracking , the international evidence is clear: this practice consumes enormous quantities of water, contaminates it, worsens air quality, affects people’s health, and leaves lasting damage to the land. Sustainable fracking does not exist .”
The same statement asserts, regarding sovereignty, that “fracking does not represent sustainable development for Coahuila nor energy sovereignty for Mexico. It depends on external financing and foreign technology, so the benefits are concentrated in large international companies, while the state’s local communities would bear the environmental, social, and health costs.” Hence their criticism: “It is unacceptable that this week the governor is traveling to the United States to seek investments for this industry. Instead of protecting the water, health, and future of Coahuila’s communities, he is offering the state’s territory to expand a technique banned in various countries, such as France, Ireland, and Uruguay.”
The same environmental and social damage (cracks in homes due to certain earthquakes, water scarcity and contamination) that result from shale gas extraction has been observed in the Burgos Basin (Coahuila, Nuevo León and Tamaulipas) or in the Palo Duro and Dalhart Basins (Texas) or the Bakken Basin (North Dakota).
The “experts,” as we know, know a lot about very little. And when it comes to an energy resource, a multidisciplinary and thorough understanding is required. In two months, there will only be enough time for a fast-track legislative approval of the intensive use of fracking. Regarding this issue, I have several questions.
The United States’ dependence on gas (almost 70 percent) is real. One. How is this type of energy distributed in terms of development? Two. Could Washington truly cut off the gas it sells to Mexico without shooting itself in the foot?
Shale gas exploration and extraction is not new in Mexico; it has been going on for over a decade. According to the Mexican Alliance Against Fracking, nearly 8,000 wells have been drilled in Mexico with little regard for environmental and social impact. Officially, it has been stated that future operations will be more sustainable thanks to technological advancements. These advancements already existed before 2010. Why weren’t they adapted to the conditions of that time? Could it be because they are less profitable? What real and verifiable sustainability experiences will the ad hoc committee formed by the government use as a basis for its studies and conclusions? When a measure that opens up strategic exploitation to private companies is applauded by the right wing, its business leaders, and spokespeople, can we expect it to translate into benefits for the majority, development, and national sovereignty?
Regarding national sovereignty, there is no doubt. It is essential to decisively support President Claudia Sheinbaum and her government. But without partisan or self-serving blind allegiance. And even less so without the necessary, ongoing, and irrevocable exercise of critical judgment.
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Fracking & Sovereignty
May 3, 2026
When a measure that opens up strategic exploitation to private companies is applauded by the right wing, its business leaders, and spokespeople, can we expect it to translate into benefits for the majority, development, and national sovereignty?
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Expel the CIA
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
“The CIA has violated the Mexican Constitution and I do not believe that its prompt expulsion from the national territory can be avoided.”
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Audio Links Milei to Regional Disinformation Operation Against Sheinbaum & Petro
May 3, 2026May 3, 2026
Argentine President Javier Milei reportedly contributed $350,000, according to audio recordings of former Honduran and drug trafficker President Juan Orlando Hernández.
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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Venezuela announced on Saturday, May 2, that it will participate in the hearings regarding the Essequibo territory at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) beginning Monday, May 4. Foreign Minister Yván Gil announced that while Venezuela will attend the proceedings, this does not imply Venezuela’s recognition of the ICJ’s jurisdiction over the territorial dispute.
The hearings stem from a process unilaterally invoked by Guyana in 2018, which Venezuela considers a violation of the 1966 Geneva Agreement and of international law. According to the Venezuelan government, the aim of its participation is solely to present the historical truth regarding Venezuela’s sovereign rights over Guayana Esequiba, a territory that it has claimed since its birth as a nation.
The Foreign Ministry of Venezuela reiterated that the only viable solution to the dispute is the 1966 Geneva Agreement. “This international treaty is the regulatory framework that must be followed in good faith, with the aim of ending the territorial dispute through a practical, acceptable, and satisfactory settlement for both parties,” the official statement emphasized.
Unofficial translation of the statement follows:
The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela announces its participation, starting May 4, 2026, in the hearings of the process unilaterally invoked by the Cooperative Republic of Guyana at the International Court of Justice, in clear disregard and transgression of the Geneva Agreement and international law.
True to its historical position and the popular mandate expressed in the consultative referendum of December 3, 2023, Venezuela reaffirms that it does not recognize the Court’s jurisdiction in the territorial dispute over the Essequibo region, nor any decision it may adopt on this matter. Therefore, its attendance in these hearings does not imply, in any way, its consent to or recognition of said jurisdiction.
Venezuela attends these hearings only to demonstrate to the world the truth about its rights to the territory of Guayana Esequiba since its birth.
The only possible solution to the territorial dispute, within the framework of international law, lies in the Geneva Agreement. This international treaty is the normative framework that must be followed in good faith, with the aim of ending the territorial dispute through a practical, acceptable, and satisfactory settlement for both parties.
Venezuela Reaffirms 1966 Geneva Agreement as Only Valid Legal Means to Resolve Essequibo Dispute
The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela reaffirms its historical sovereign rights over the Essequibo region and reiterates that it will never renounce the territory that has belonged to it since its birth.
The Sun of Venezuela rises in the Essequibo!
Caracas, May 2, 2026
Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff
OT/JRE/SC
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The president of Cuba, Miguel Díaz-Canel, called on the international community this Saturday to determine whether it will allow Washington to militarily attack his country after the U.S. President, Donald Trump, said he would take control of the island “almost immediately.”
“The president of the U.S. is escalating his threats of military aggression against Cuba to a dangerous and unprecedented scale,” Díaz-Canel denounced on social media, adding: “The international community must take note and, together with the people of the U.S., determine whether such a drastic criminal act will be allowed.”
The Cuban president considered that the Trump administration’s threats to Cuba seek only “to satisfy the interests of a small but wealthy and influential group, with yearnings for revenge and domination,” apparently in reference to parts of the Cuban-American community in South Florida.
However, Díaz-Canel added a warning: “No aggressor, however powerful, will find surrender in Cuba.” “They will stumble upon a people determined to defend sovereignty and independence in every inch of national territory,” the Cuban president stated.
Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla criticized the new coercive measures imposed by US President Donald Trump, calling them “repugnant, curious, and ridiculous.”
He denounced that these actions are a response to the mobilization of Cubans in Havana and the support of more than six million signatures in defense of the homeland. Rodríguez Parrilla pointed out that the announcement of these measures coincided with International Workers’ Day, when millions of Cubans protest against the US blockade.
More than six million Cubans expressed their will and patriotic commitment through the “My Signature for the Homeland” initiative, culminating in an event in Havana during International Workers’ Day.
This massive support from various sectors of Cuban society, presented to Raúl Castro and Miguel Díaz-Canel, rejects the US blockade and the aggressions that limit access to energy supplies. The campaign, which began on April 19, is based on the constitutional duty to defend the nation and responds to what the Cuban government considers a “hybrid war.”
Cubans Reaffirm Commitment to Defend Their Homeland and Sovereignty: President Diaz-Canel Calls To Avoid a US Imperialist Aggression on Cuba
Trump asserted this Friday that he will “take control” of Cuba “almost immediately,” but added that he will first finish the “work” in Iran and move the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier back to the Caribbean Sea.
This same Friday, Washington redoubled sanctions against the island, measures that target the pillars of the Cuban economy, especially the energy, defense, mining, and financial services sectors.
According to the new executive order, any person or company that operates in them or does business with the Cuban government will have their assets in the U.S. completely blocked.
(Telesur)
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By Teri Mattson – Apr 29, 2026
If the border can exist thousands of miles beyond national territory—and hundreds of miles within it—then what defines its limits? Is it geography? Policy? Power?
The modern border is no longer a line.
It does not begin at the Rio Grande, nor does it end at a wall. It is not confined to checkpoints, fences, or even national territory. Instead, it stretches—quietly but forcefully—across continents, embedding itself in foreign security forces, domestic policing, and global surveillance systems.
This is what journalist and author Todd Miller calls the age of “elastic borders.” First articulated in his book Empire of Borders, the concept describes how U.S. border enforcement has expanded both inward and outward, forming a multilayered system that increasingly resembles a global architecture of control.
Today, that architecture is becoming more explicit. Recent political rhetoric about a hemispheric security zone—defined on March 29, 2026 by Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth as “Greater North America” stretching from the Arctic to the equator—has brought into the open what has long been under construction.
To understand what is unfolding, one must look beyond immigration policy. The story of elastic borders is also a story about militarization, economic inequality, climate crisis, and geopolitical competition. It is, in many ways, a story about how power is reorganizing itself in an era of instability.
And as Colombian President Gustavo Petro has warned, it may signal the rise of something even more systemic: “Fortress Capitalism.”
From Border Line to Border SystemThe militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border did not emerge overnight. Its foundations were laid decades ago, shaped by Cold War strategies and foreign interventions.
In his book The Militarization of the U.S.-Mexico Border, 1978-1992: Low-Intensity Conflict Doctrine Comes Home, sociologist Timothy Dunn traced how U.S. military doctrine—particularly “low-intensity conflict” tactics used in Central America during the 1970s and 1980s—was gradually repurposed for domestic border enforcement. Equipment, training, and strategic thinking migrated from war zones abroad to the U.S. frontier.
By the 1990s, this transformation accelerated. Under President Bill Clinton, operations like Operation Gatekeeper reshaped enforcement strategy. Instead of attempting to stop migration everywhere, authorities concentrated infrastructure in urban crossing zones, erecting walls and deploying agents in cities such as San Diego and El Paso.
The goal was not simply interdiction—it was deterrence.
Migrants were funneled away from populated areas into harsh environments like the Sonoran Desert, where the journey itself became a barrier. The logic was stark: if crossing became dangerous enough, fewer people would try.
This doctrine—“prevention through deterrence”—remains central to U.S. border policy today.
The Post-9/11 TransformationThe attacks of September 11 marked a turning point. Border enforcement was rebranded as a matter of national security, and immigration became intertwined with counterterrorism.
The creation of the Department of Homeland Security in 2003 consolidated this shift. Agencies such as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and U.S. Customs and Border Protection were expanded and empowered, receiving massive increases in funding.
Although no terrorist threats materialized via the southern border, the narrative proved durable. It justified sweeping investments in physical barriers, surveillance systems, and personnel. Legislation like the Secure Fence Act of 2006 authorized hundreds of miles of fencing, while new technologies promised a “virtual wall” of sensors and data.
Many of these technologies originated in foreign conflicts. Surveillance tools and drone systems tested in places such as the Gaza Strip were adapted for border enforcement, blurring the line between military operations and civilian policing.
At the same time, rhetoric evolved. Border agents were increasingly described as operating on the “front lines,” reinforcing a war-like mentality that continues to shape policy and practice.
The Layered Border Comes HomeIf the border once existed at the edge of the nation, it now exists throughout it.
U.S. Customs and Border Protection operates within a 100-mile zone extending from all external boundaries—a region that includes major metropolitan areas such as New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago. Approximately 200 million people live within this zone.
Within this space, enforcement increasingly resembles border operations. Joint actions between ICE and Border Patrol have introduced militarized tactics into urban environments, including helicopter deployments and coordinated raids.
The result is what Miller describes as a “layered border”—a system in which the boundary is not a single line, but a series of overlapping enforcement zones.
This internal expansion raises fundamental questions about civil liberties and the normalization of militarized policing. Practices once associated with remote borderlands are now part of everyday life in cities far removed from the frontier.
Exporting the BorderAt the same time that the border has moved inward, it has also been pushed outward.
Through training programs, funding, and equipment transfers, the United States has effectively extended its border enforcement into other countries. Security forces across Latin America increasingly participate in migration control efforts aligned with U.S. priorities.
Former Homeland Security Secretary John F. Kelly once suggested that the U.S. border should begin thousands of miles from its physical boundary. In practice, this has translated into a focus on migration routes in Central America, particularly along the Mexico–Guatemala corridor.
Some officials have gone further. A former CBP commissioner stated explicitly that the functional southern border of the United States lies not at the Rio Grande, but at the boundary between southern Mexico and Guatemala.
This is the essence of border externalization: enforcement occurs long before migrants reach U.S. territory.
It also reflects a broader geopolitical strategy. By projecting enforcement outward, the United States shapes migration patterns, influences regional security policies, and extends its operational reach without formal territorial expansion.
Geopolitics: Resources, Rivalries, and Regional ControlThe expansion of elastic borders cannot be separated from global power dynamics.
Latin America and the Caribbean occupy a strategic position in the 21st century. The region is rich in critical resources—lithium, rare earth minerals, freshwater, and biodiversity—while also serving as a key corridor for global trade.
At the same time, geopolitical competition is intensifying. The rise of China as a global economic power has deepened its engagement across the Americas through infrastructure projects, trade agreements, and investment.
For Washington, maintaining influence in the hemisphere has become a priority.
Trinidad and Tobago Coast Guard Shoots and Kills Venezuelan Baby
Border expansion and security integration offer one mechanism for doing so. By embedding U.S. priorities into regional security frameworks—through military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and migration control—the United States reinforces its presence without overtly framing it as geopolitical competition.
Migration, in this context, becomes both a justification and a tool.
At the same time, countries that resist alignment—such as Cuba or Nicaragua—often face increased political and economic pressure, further illustrating how border policy intersects with broader foreign policy goals.
Fortress Capitalism: A System Under PressureFor Colombian President Gustavo Petro, these developments are part of a larger transformation.
He describes the emerging system as “Fortress Capitalism”—a model in which wealthy nations fortify themselves against the consequences of global inequality and environmental collapse, rather than addressing their root causes.
In this framework, borders are not just about controlling movement. They are about preserving a global order in which wealth remains concentrated and mobility is restricted.
As climate change accelerates, this dynamic becomes more pronounced. Rising sea levels, desertification, and extreme weather events are expected to displace millions of people in the coming decades. The U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) formally identifies climate change as a critical national security threat and a “threat multiplier,” as it exacerbates existing stresses like poverty, political instability, and resource scarcity. It endangers military readiness by damaging infrastructure, disrupting supply chains, and increasing demand for humanitarian missions
Yet instead of prioritizing adaptation, mitigation, or equitable development, governments increasingly invest in containment.
Walls rise. Surveillance expands. Military involvement deepens.
The result is a world in which mobility—once a fundamental aspect of human survival—is increasingly criminalized.
Climate Migration and the Security Paradigm
U.S. military doctrine has long identified climate change as a “threat multiplier.” But the focus is often less on environmental impacts themselves than on their social consequences.
Migration, in particular, is framed as a source of instability.
Policy documents frequently link population movement to security risks, reinforcing the idea that migrants are not just individuals seeking safety or opportunity, but potential threats to be managed.
This framing shapes responses.
Rather than addressing the underlying drivers of displacement—including economic policies, historical emissions, and geopolitical interventions—resources are directed toward enforcement.
In effect, the system treats symptoms while reinforcing the conditions that produce them.
An Invisible WarUnlike conventional conflicts, the expansion of elastic borders does not produce dramatic battlefields or clear front lines.
Instead, it operates in deserts, detention centers, transit routes, and data systems. It is often invisible to those not directly affected.
Yet its consequences are profound.
Migrants are pushed into increasingly dangerous journeys. Families are separated. Entire regions are reshaped by enforcement policies. And within the United States, the normalization of militarized policing raises enduring questions about democracy and rights.
Miller suggests that this system functions as a form of undeclared war—one that maintains global inequalities while minimizing visibility.
“It’s a war without end,” he argues, “and without a clear battlefield.”
**Where Does the Border End?**As the concept of a hemispheric security zone gains traction, the implications of elastic borders become harder to ignore.
If the border can exist thousands of miles beyond national territory—and hundreds of miles within it—then what defines its limits?
Is it geography? Policy? Power?
Or is the border becoming something else entirely: a flexible instrument for managing a world marked by inequality, displacement, and ecological crisis?
The answer may determine not only the future of migration, but the future of global order itself.
In an era of rising instability, nations face a choice.
They can build walls—physical, digital, and geopolitical—or they can address the forces driving people to move.
For now, the trend is clear.
The border is expanding.
And the fortress is rising.
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By Robert Inlakesh – May 1, 2026
While the US seizure of Iran-linked tankers and vessels does evidently have an impact, it is being enormously overblown by an American administration that is out of viable options.
While officials of the US Trump administration have repeatedly claimed that their blockade on Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is a winning strategy, on the contrary, Tehran thrives. Instead of taking the temporary ceasefire as an opportunity to find a viable offramp, Washington has used mental gymnastics to sell the public on a non-existent get out of jail free card.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has claimed that Iran’s oil industry is creaking under the pressure of the blockade imposed upon its exports, even making rather outlandish comments about the inevitability of oil infrastructure blowing up as a result. While the US seizure of Iran-linked tankers and vessels does evidently have an impact, it is being enormously overblown by an American administration that is out of viable options.
The way US President Donald Trump and his senior officials are speaking, it would lead you to believe that the “uno reverse card,” as it has been mockingly referred to as, was going to lead to the freefall of Tehran’s economy. Yet, the US is still adding more sanctions to Iran, attempting to seize and/or freeze more of its assets, while issuing round-the-clock threats. If the US-imposed blockade, which is failing to block all shipping to and from Iran, were so effective, then these other much lesser measures wouldn’t make sense.
Even the pro-war Zionist think tanks, like the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), have been agitating for more aggressive tactics and to escalate. For example, the Washington-based FDD recently published a Policy Brief article entitled ‘Trump Strikes at China’s Iranian Oil Trade, but It’s Not Enough’. In other words, nobody is convinced by Trump’s strategies, not even the biggest fans of the Iran war.
In the realm of reality, the Islamic Republic of Iran has survived under US sanctions for some 47 years now. Although the sanctions have had varying impacts at different phases of the ongoing conflict with the US, Iran has managed to adapt to its predicament. It survived through 8 years of brutal war with its neighbours, after former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein attacked it for the sake of the United States, and has endured the most brutal sanctions campaigns known to man.
Ships Sail From Iranian Ports in Persian Gulf Despite US Naval Blockade Threats
What the US has done over the years is make Iran de facto sanctions-immune. This does not mean that they don’t work at all; clearly, the Iranian economy has taken enormous hits, and the civilian population has borne the brunt of the consequences. But the takeaway here is that the Islamic Republic is not going to buckle in a matter of weeks or months, just because the US is interdicting the passage of some Iranian vessels.
As a matter of record, back in 2018, when President Trump first imposed his maximum pressure campaign – following the decision to unilaterally pull out of the 2015 nuclear deal – the daily Iranian oil exports rapidly declined to 350,000 barrels per day. It remained this way for some 33 months, until Tehran managed to recover. The recovery led Iran back to exporting around 2.5 million barrels per day. Amidst the height of the first round of the current war, Iran even managed to break records for oil revenues generated, not seen since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution in 1979.
In addition to this, the Iranians have established a status quo under which they will not allow the Strait of Hormuz to be transited unless a toll is paid to them first; a move that has not only placed the key global chokepoint under their control, but will inevitably drive enormous profits in the long run.
Iran did not buckle under years of maximum pressure sanctions and the steep decline in their oil exports. Its Gulf neighbours will not fare so well. The damage done to US allies, like the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has already surpassed what is necessary to cause permanent damage. Emirati officials may have even doubled down on their support for the Zionist project and to see Iran destroyed, withdrawing from OPEC, and claiming they will use alternative export routes, but everyone knows those options simply do not exist.
In the end, it was always going to boil down to the US buckling under the weight of an economic fallout, due to the total closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a pressure that only grew worse following Trump’s goofy decision to impose his own blockade.
Therefore, the embarrassing failure of the Trump administration was only ever going to lead to one of two outcomes: a full US backdown or the resumption of war.
From Orinoco Tribune via This RSS Feed.
This article by Ivan Ortiz originally appeared in the May 2, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.
Various housing groups and specialists consulted by El Sol de México point out that the constitutional reform on Fair, Affordable and Reasonable Rents, presented by the head of Government, Clara Brugada Molina, is insufficient on its own to combat gentrification in Mexico City during the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
“These changes to the Constitution may help, but they won’t be enough to combat the gentrification caused by the World Cup. There’s already an industry that will capitalize on the event, with Airbnb-style accommodations, for example. After the World Cup, it will be very difficult to find affordable housing in high-demand areas,” explained Alejandro Larios, director of Conversasur, a group of researchers in urban development, the environment, and housing.
Natalia Lara, a member of the Neighborhood Assembly Against Megaconstructions in Tlalpan and Coyoacán, warned that rent increases are already being recorded near the Banorte Stadium (formerly Azteca Stadium) and a proliferation of Airbnb-type spaces.
“In Santa Úrsula Coapa, rent has doubled compared to last year. Before, it was between seven and eight thousand pesos. Today, it’s between 17 and 18 thousand pesos per month. In other neighborhoods, like Bosque de Tetlameya, we’re already seeing signs that say: houses for rent for the World Cup,” he said.
In July 2025, the mayor announced the Fair Rents Act initiative, as part of the 14 commitments of Bill 1, a set of measures to combat gentrification in the capital.

However, on April 22, Brugada Molina presented only one constitutional reform. The Fair Incomes Law, she explained, would be presented later as a second step, without specifying dates.
“There was probably pressure from real estate companies to prevent the law from being presented. But nine months after its presentation, none of the promises of the first phase have been fulfilled,” commented Eduardo Alanís of the Anti-Gentrification Front.
Arturo Aparicio, a lawyer specializing in housing, pointed out that since it is a constitutional initiative, it will not be submitted to the Plenary of the Mexico City Congress until September, when the next legislative period begins.
“Since it won’t be approved until then, fair rent protections are being postponed until the World Cup . A priority initiative could have been presented, but it wasn’t. By the time the vote takes place, there will already be even more speculation on land.”
“It’s documented how the World Cup exacerbates gentrification. A protocol against evictions and the regulation of short-stay platforms are urgently needed,” Eduardo Alanís pointed out.
The arrival of the World Cup this June means the arrival of thousands of foreigners and an increase in properties for residential tourism, such as Airbnb.
“It’s important to implement the Airbnb host registry before the World Cup to track the number of hosts and any changes. And to create a direct line of communication with the authorities to report arbitrary rent increases,” says Natalia Lara, of the Neighborhood Assembly Against Megaconstructions in Tlalpan and Coyoacán.
The 2018 scientific article Airbnb and the rent gap: Gentrification through the sharing economy warns that this platform causes the displacement of locals, as they are forced to pay rents and services set by a global demand instead of a local one.
However, these cases are not mentioned in the Fair Rents reform. Instead, it raises the right to remain in one’s neighborhood and states that the city government must mitigate the effects of gentrification.
To this end, it is proposed that the land reserve of the Mexico City government be permanently expanded and that rent for residential properties not be increased annually by more than the annual inflation rate. The initiative also includes the creation of an Office of the Ombudsman for Tenants’ Rights.
While they acknowledge that the creation of this body is a step forward, the groups and specialists agree that most of the points of the reform were not necessary, as they are already covered in other instruments.
“The rent cap with respect to inflation has been in the Civil Code for two years now, for example,” Eduardo Alanís pointed out.
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Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Mexico City’s International Workers Day Mobilized 20,000
May 2, 2026
National unions such as CNTE, SME and unions representing PEMEX and TelMex workers participated in multiple marches which converged on the Zócalo.
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Housing Orgs & Experts See Fair Rents Reform as Insufficient in Face of Gentrification in Mexico City
May 2, 2026May 2, 2026
Nine months after CDMX head Clara Brugada presented the Fair Rents Act, none of its initial promises have been fulfilled say housing advocates & newly announced initiatives will only be implemented far in the future.
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Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Tornel Workers Ask for President Sheinbaum’s Intervention to Resolve Strike
May 1, 2026
In March, striking workers were attacked on the picket line by an armed shock group who shot four workers.
The post Housing Orgs & Experts See Fair Rents Reform as Insufficient in Face of Gentrification in Mexico City appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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This article by Dana Estrada originally appeared in the May 1, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.
The Mexico City government reported that on May 1st, as part of the International Workers Day commemoration , 20,000 people marched, participating in numerous contingents and departing from various points in the city center.
According to the local Secretariat of Citizen Security (SSC), the mobilizations began to be registered from 8:00 a.m. until 6:00 p.m. this Friday; and the points from which different groups departed, including national unions such as the CNTE, PEMEX, TelMex, and more, were from the Angel of Independence, Bucareli, Monument to the Revolution, among others, but with the objective of reaching the Zócalo.
The SSC deployed approximately 500 police officers to monitor and ensure the safety of the demonstrations. A small contingent of protesters vandalized buildings with graffiti , but no major incidents occurred.
In addition, businesses adjacent to the Zócalo and the Metropolitan Cathedral , as well as other public and private establishments, were protected with fences, as El Sol de México was able to verify.

Photo: Jay Watts
“As part of this mechanism, the Dialogue and Coexistence Group , made up of personnel from the Undersecretariat of Political Coordination, Prevention and Good Governance (SCPPyBG) and the General Directorate of Government (DGG), accompanied the development of the mobilizations to promote agreements, prevent incidents and prioritize dialogue,” reported the SSC and the Secretariat of Government of the city.
It should be noted that the route of the contingents was mainly concentrated on Paseo de la Reforma, Avenida Juárez and Calle 5 de Mayo.
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Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Mexico City’s International Workers Day Mobilized 20,000
May 2, 2026
National unions such as CNTE, SME and unions representing PEMEX and TelMex workers participated in multiple marches which converged on the Zócalo.
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Housing Orgs & Experts See Fair Rents Reform as Insufficient in Face of Gentrification in Mexico City
May 2, 2026May 2, 2026
Nine months after CDMX head Clara Brugada presented the Fair Rents Act, none of its initial promises have been fulfilled say housing advocates & newly announced initiatives will only be implemented far in the future.
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Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Tornel Workers Ask for President Sheinbaum’s Intervention to Resolve Strike
May 1, 2026
In March, striking workers were attacked on the picket line by an armed shock group who shot four workers.
The post Mexico City’s International Workers Day Mobilized 20,000 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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The Venezuelan vice president of Economy and Finance, Calixto Ortega, said that the comprehensive minimum wage increase announced on May 1 is a direct result of the recovery of the national productive apparatus. Venezuela’s economy has maintained growth for 20 consecutive quarters.
In an interview with the state media channel Venezolana de Televisión (VTV) on Friday, May 1, Ortega stated that this growth is the result of “work carried out with great determination and a continuous dialogue that has led to national unity regarding policies aimed at improving workers’ income.”
“Part of the success of the economic policy has been the ongoing dialogue,” he remarked. “The issue of income is obviously one of the most important topics; it is where all the results we are expecting in terms of economic growth and the increase in the country’s income are. None of this data that I am showing would be useful if it does not translate into the well-being of families.”
He explained that according to indicators measured by the national government, “household consumption has been steadily increasing” since 2024.
He added that preliminary data from the Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) indicate increased activity during the first quarter of 2026.
“The preliminary information we have for the first quarter is already showing a single-digit growth, between two and three percent. The bank should announce this, as it is its responsibility, within the first fifteen days of May,” Ortega said.
Venezuela’s Window of Opportunity for Economic Recovery: Buying Time to Rebuild While Under Siege
Recovery of the oil industry and food sovereignty
Regarding the oil sector, Ortega acknowledged that the industry suffered a decline caused by the US military invasion on January 3. However, it is recovering at a “significant pace.” By the end of April, production reached 1.2 million barrels per day, representing a growth of nearly 20% driven by national effort and new strategic agreements.
Referring to the sector’s historical evolution, Ortega noted that after the dramatic 95% drop in oil revenues due to the US blockade, the economy began undergoing a structural transformation. “In 2012, we exported oil and imported most of what we consumed. Today, the situation is changing,” he explained.
He emphasized that the current supply of goods is based on internal production, a lesson learned from the years of greatest crisis. “Today, the vast majority of the products consumed by Venezuelans, such as chicken and meat, are produced in Venezuela,” he said, noting that the country is still at one-third of its potential productive capacity, but is moving forward with a clear upward trajectory.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
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Following Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez’s announcement of a comprehensive minimum income of $240 starting from May 1, 2026, Minister of Social Labor Process Carlos Alexis Castillo reported that the national government is working on a sector-specific table of wage increases.
In an interview on Thursday, April 30, conducted by Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), Minister Castillo stated, “We are not going to make the mistake of raising wages without having a base to support it.”
The minister addressed the following points:
A $50 increase
The minister explained that the comprehensive minimum wage was raised by $50.
“We are raising it by $50, which is the highest increase in comprehensive income that we have given, despite the resource deficiency,” Castillo said.
He added that the national government is establishing a mechanism that “will later enable seeking a solution in terms of salaries. This cannot be done all at once; it has to be gradual, phased, step by step.”
Private sector workers will also receive the benefit
Castillo explained that the increase in the comprehensive minimum wage also applies to private-sector workers, especially those earning below the base salary, which as of May 1 is set at $240.
He acknowledged that most private-sector workers earn more than $240. However, he highlighted that some employees are earning less than that amount, and their income will now need to be adjusted. “We are partly solving the problem for that group of workers, no matter how small it is.”
Wage increase retroactive from April 30
When asked by VTV about the payment schedule for the comprehensive minimum wage, applying to workers, pensioners, and retirees, Castillo said, “It starts with retroactive pay from today [Thursday, April 30].”
Table of increases by sector
“We are in the process of analyzing or have already analyzed the table of increases by sectors, and the president will announce it in the coming days,” announced Minister Castillo.
“Is it like a pay scale?” the VTV journalists asked, to which he responded, “Yes, what used to be called the pay scale, the ranking that exists in Public Administration.”
He highlighted that the government has started with five prioritized sectors: “Education, health, police, armed forces, and higher education.”
In this regard, he explained that as a result of the US economic blockade, professionals, especially those in the public sector, were “very affected by the decline in income… the pay scales—the public sector normally operated with pay scales, also called seniority lists—were diminished. Practically, a professional in medicine or education was earning the same as any other worker. We are already correcting that, with the decision made by the acting president of the republic.”
More announcements
Minister Castillo explained that the national government is making efforts to recover the economy, the productive apparatus, and the purchasing power of workers.”
He added that “in the coming days we will continue making announcements, which will be gradual, step-by-step announcements.”
“The announcements will come from the dialogue, from the consensus of all the sectors.”
No false increases
Referring to the increase in the comprehensive minimum wage announced on Thursday, Castillo said that it is a responsible measure. The aim is for the increase to have real backing in production and state resources.
In this context, he underscored that “we cannot announce increases that we cannot fulfill, and if we do not fulfilll them, they become inflationary increases.”
He added that all the increases the government is implementing are being done with “firm steps, scientifically studied, and agreed upon with all the parties involved in this matter.”
“We are on the path to economic recovery and, as the acting president pointed out, on the path to being a happy country once again. However, that requires us to make responsible decisions,” Castillo remarked.
Strengthening of labor inspections
As part of strengthening the Ministry of Labor, efforts are being made to bolster labor inspections.
He explained that the ministry’s most important operational unit is the inspectorates, because “they are the administrative units that defend the workers. Not like the labor courts, which defend workers judicially, the inspectorates defend them administratively.”
Minister Castillo said that the ministry is strengthening inspections so inspectors can properly carry out their work of evaluating companies and defending workers’ rights.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
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The Guardian exposes a traveling spectacle where AI founders, corporate money, and state power fuse into a mobile myth machine celebrating a sanitized America. Behind the patriotic theater lies a coordinated apparatus—federal funding, private donors, and ideological institutions—shaping what history is told and what is buried. This is a deeper struggle over power, where a system in crisis rewrites its origins to mask the contradiction between its ideals and its material reality. Against this machinery, educators, organizers, and communities are building a counter-history rooted in truth, struggle, and the lived experience of the oppressed.
By Prince Kapone – Apr 29, 2026
The Museum on Wheels Where Empire Teaches Children to Forget
Ed Pilkington’s “‘Freedom Trucks’: a tour of Trump’s skewed tribute to American history – on 18 wheels”, published in The Guardian on April 29, 2026, takes the reader inside one of Donald Trump’s semiquincentennial “Freedom Trucks,” six mobile museums touring the country ahead of the United States’ 250th anniversary. The basic report is simple enough: these 18-wheel patriotic roadshows, powered by PragerU, present an interactive version of American history where AI George Washington talks to visitors, children sign facsimiles of founding documents, “American heroes” beam from museum walls, God hovers over the republic like a celestial landlord, and Trump appears at the end like the orange-tinted executor of Providence. Washington opens the show. Trump closes it. There, in miniature, is the entire ideological operation: the founding myth is not being remembered; it is being transferred, polished, baptized, corporatized, digitized, and delivered back to the public as obedience training.The Guardian, of course, approaches this spectacle from the standpoint of liberal alarm. It sees the danger clearly enough: Trump’s personality cult, Christian nationalism, historical whitewashing, public-private donor murk, PragerU’s youth-targeted propaganda machine, and the cheerful conversion of national memory into a rolling recruitment booth for reaction. As a liberal Western outlet, however, The Guardian remains most comfortable treating the matter as a distortion of American democracy rather than an exposure of American democracy’s original contradiction. It is disturbed by Trump’s rewriting of history, but less able to say that the official history of the United States has always required rewriting, laundering, bleaching, and deodorizing. The house was built on stolen land and enslaved labor; Trump merely arrives with gold paint, AI animation, and a donor package.Pilkington writes as a professional liberal journalist with a sharp eye for authoritarian theater. He notices the staging: Washington crossing the Delaware on the side of the truck, “Welcome Patriots!” scrawled outside, “In God We Trust” glowing inside, and Trump’s video sermon waiting at the exit like the gift shop of a dying empire. He also does important work by letting visitors speak. A wounded Gulf War veteran calls Trump kingly. A Black teenager feels the need to ask permission before criticizing the president inside an exhibit about freedom. A Trump supporter celebrates the possibility that Iran will be “freed,” by which she means bombed into submission by the empire’s favorite missionary department, the Pentagon. A religious mother sees Trump as divinely appointed. The article lets the contradiction walk around in cowboy boots and fairground dust.The propaganda devices inside the Freedom Truck are not subtle. The first is narrative framing: the nation is presented as a sacred freedom project born from heroic white founders, not as a settler-colonial republic forged through slavery, Indigenous dispossession, territorial conquest, and class rule. The second is transfer: Washington’s revolutionary image is made to bless Trump’s political project, as though the old plantation republic has been waiting 250 years for a real-estate monarch to complete its destiny. The third is glittering generalities: “freedom,” “liberty,” “equality,” “God,” “patriot,” and “America” are thrown around like confetti at a ruling-class parade, emptied of material content and refilled with obedience. The fourth is omission: slavery appears as a regrettable wrinkle, Native genocide barely appears at all, and the conquest of Mexican land vanishes like a magician’s assistant in a flag-colored box. The fifth is testimonial: AI Washington, Trump, PragerU, Hillsdale, and carefully chosen “heroes” are assembled to tell children that capitalism, Christianity, and America are one holy trinity. The sixth is card stacking: the exhibit gathers the founding documents, heroic battles, patriotic paintings, and divine language while quietly sweeping the auction block, the burned village, the stolen continent, and the plantation ledger under the truck.
The Guardian’s article succeeds in showing that the Freedom Truck is less a museum than a mobile myth factory. But the deeper excavation must begin where liberal critique usually stops. This is not just Trump corrupting history. This is the U.S. ruling class in crisis, rolling its founding legend through fairgrounds and schools because the present is too ugly to explain honestly. When a nation at war, armed to the teeth, ruled by billionaires, and haunted by its crimes must teach children that it was chosen by God to embody freedom, we are not looking at history education. We are looking at counterinsurgency on wheels.
What the Truck Carries—and What It Leaves in the Dirt
The Freedom Trucks do not emerge from nowhere. They are part of a formally organized, state-backed and privately fueled commemorative apparatus tied to the U.S. semiquincentennial. The official Freedom 250 initiative describes the trucks as a fleet of mobile museums traveling nationwide, designed to bring a curated version of American history directly into communities, schools, and public spaces. These are not spontaneous patriotic displays; they are planned ideological deployments. The partnership structure is equally revealing. PragerU openly states that it powers the Freedom Trucks, positioning itself as both educational authority and cultural gatekeeper, while U.S. military channels acknowledge collaboration with institutions like Hillsdale College and federal agencies. This is not merely a museum—it is a coordinated node linking state, corporate, ideological, and military-adjacent structures.The financial architecture underneath the spectacle further exposes its material base. The Institute of Museum and Library Services confirms that $14 million in federal funding supported the Freedom Trucks, demonstrating that public resources are being funneled into this ideological project. At the same time, the private side of the operation remains deliberately opaque. U.S. senators have launched an investigation into Freedom 250 over reports that wealthy donors were offered privileged access to the president and anniversary events. The structure is clear: public money builds the stage, private capital buys proximity to power, and ideology is packaged as national heritage.This project also exists in direct tension with the officially sanctioned, bipartisan commemorative framework. The U.S. Semiquincentennial Commission, established by Congress, is tasked with coordinating the nation’s 250th anniversary, yet Trump’s Freedom 250 initiative operates alongside—and effectively on top of—it. What appears as duplication is in fact displacement: a parallel apparatus reshaping the narrative terrain of national memory in real time. This is reinforced at the executive level. Trump’s executive order “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History” explicitly directs federal institutions to purge what it calls “divisive” or “anti-American” interpretations. The Freedom Trucks are not isolated; they are the mobile extension of a broader state campaign to discipline historical consciousness.The ideological content of that campaign is not neutral. It is embedded in an existing educational pipeline aimed particularly at youth. PragerU confirms that its materials are approved for use in multiple U.S. states, meaning the narratives presented in the Freedom Trucks do not end at the fairground—they circulate through classrooms, lesson plans, and digital platforms. The intellectual lineage of this effort is equally traceable. Hillsdale College’s leadership role in Trump’s 1776 Commission ties the trucks directly to earlier attempts to construct a “patriotic education” counter to the 1619 Project. What we are witnessing is not improvisation but continuity: a long-term effort to recode American history at the level of mass consciousness.To understand what is being omitted, one must reconstruct the historical terrain that the Freedom Trucks flatten into myth. The founding narrative presented inside the trucks invokes liberty while muting the material conditions of its emergence. Yet Thomas Jefferson’s original draft of the Declaration of Independence condemned the slave trade, a passage later removed from the final document, revealing that the so-called universal principles of freedom were negotiated alongside the preservation of slavery. The contradiction becomes concrete when one examines the lives of the founders themselves. Jefferson alone enslaved over 600 people during his lifetime, turning the language of liberty into a political cover for plantation accumulation.
The same pattern extends to the question of land. The Freedom Truck invokes expansion as destiny while erasing the violence that made it possible. The Northwest Ordinance promised that Indigenous lands would not be taken without consent, yet that promise was systematically violated as the United States expanded westward. This contradiction deepens when we examine territorial conquest beyond the original colonies. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo forced Mexico to cede over half its territory to the United States, embedding conquest into the geographic foundation of the modern nation. The absence of this history is not accidental—it is necessary for the maintenance of the myth.
Even where violence is acknowledged, its scale and meaning are minimized. The narrative of westward expansion often presents Indigenous displacement as incidental or tragic but inevitable. Yet educational material from the National Museum of the American Indian explicitly raises whether U.S. actions against Native peoples meet the definition of genocide. This is not marginal scholarship—it is institutional acknowledgment of a foundational crime. Its exclusion from the Freedom Trucks is therefore not an oversight but a deliberate act of historical management.
When placed together, these facts reconstruct the terrain that the Freedom Trucks seek to obscure. Public funding, private capital, executive directives, ideological institutions, and educational pipelines converge to produce a traveling narrative in which freedom is abstract, violence is minimized, and the structural foundations of the United States are rendered invisible. The exhibit’s omissions are not gaps in knowledge; they are the conditions that make the story function. Without them, the myth collapses under the weight of its own history.
When Power Can’t Defend the Present, It Rewrites the Past
Step back from the truck itself and the pattern becomes unmistakable. This is not just a strange political project or a flashy piece of Trump-era propaganda. It is something older and more familiar: a ruling class trying to hold onto its authority by reshaping how people understand the world. When a system can no longer justify itself through lived reality—through people’s actual experiences of work, war, inequality, and repression—it turns to history. It reaches backward, cleans things up, cuts things out, and tells a story that makes the present seem natural, inevitable, even righteous.The Freedom Truck is one piece of that effort. It takes a past already smoothed over and sands it down even further. The contradictions that sit at the heart of American history—freedom alongside slavery, democracy alongside dispossession, equality alongside conquest—are not debated or explored. They are pushed aside. In their place comes a simple, clean narrative: a nation born in virtue, guided by God, carried forward by heroic men, and now waiting to be restored to greatness. It is a story designed not to explain, but to reassure.But that reassurance is doing heavy political work. Because once those buried facts come back into view—once people begin to see that the wealth of this country was built on stolen land and forced labor, that its expansion meant the destruction of entire nations, that its promises of equality were always limited and contested—the whole picture changes. The United States stops looking like a beacon and starts looking like a battlefield. History stops being a source of pride alone and becomes a record of struggle: between classes, between races, between those who hold power and those forced to fight for it.This is why the omissions matter so much. They are not accidental gaps or innocent simplifications. They are necessary to keep the story intact. If you tell the full truth, the story no longer holds together. If you show Jefferson as both author of liberty and owner of hundreds of enslaved people, if you show westward expansion as both opportunity and conquest, if you show independence as both rebellion and the beginning of a new system of domination, then the clean narrative breaks apart. And once it breaks, people start asking different questions—about power, about ownership, about who benefits and who pays.Trump’s role in all this is not to invent the myth, but to push it harder, more openly, and with fewer restraints. Where earlier versions of the story tried to balance pride with a limited acknowledgment of injustice, this version drops the balancing act. It insists on celebration. It treats criticism as betrayal. It wraps the nation in religious language so that its history feels sacred rather than political. And it delivers that message not just through speeches or textbooks, but through a coordinated effort that includes schools, media, public events, and now these traveling exhibits.What makes this moment different is the intensity. The push to control how history is taught, what books are allowed, what institutions can say, and what children are encouraged to believe is happening at the same time that the country faces deep contradictions—wars abroad, widening inequality, political division, and a growing sense among many that the system is not working for them. The more those contradictions sharpen, the more pressure there is to manage how people interpret them.
And that is what the Freedom Truck is ultimately about. It is not just telling people where the country came from. It is telling them how to think about where the country is now. It says: trust the story, not your experience. Trust the founders, not the evidence. Trust the nation, not your doubts. It offers a ready-made answer to questions people are increasingly asking.
But there is a limit to how far that can go. Because people do not live inside exhibits. They live in a reality shaped by wages, by debt, by policing, by war, by opportunity denied and struggle endured. When the story they are told drifts too far from what they see and feel, the gap becomes impossible to ignore. And it is in that gap—between the myth and the lived reality—that new understanding begins to take shape.
The Freedom Truck tries to close that gap. It tries to smooth it over with spectacle, technology, and patriotic language. But in doing so, it reveals just how wide the gap has become.
Within the United States, We Must Embrace Revolutionary Defeatism
From Rolling Myth to Organized Memory: Building the Counter-History Front
The Freedom Truck does not arrive alone. It arrives with money, with state backing, with corporate sponsorship, with a curriculum pipeline, with executive orders, and with a clear objective: to shape consciousness before it can resist. That means any serious response cannot be rhetorical. It must be organized, material, and rooted in institutions that already exist on the ground, already doing the work of breaking the spell. The task is not to invent resistance out of thin air. It is to link up with the forces already fighting to teach the truth of this system—its origins, its violence, and its present contradictions—and to scale that struggle wherever the ideological machine rolls in.One of the clearest fronts in this struggle is the Zinn Education Project, which organizes national campaigns to bring people’s history into classrooms and communities. Its work is not abstract; it produces concrete teaching materials rooted in slavery, Indigenous resistance, labor struggle, and anti-imperialism. Crucially, it operates through educator networks rather than state directives. Its organizational structure is supported through independent nonprofit funding streams documented in its fiscal sponsorship and project disclosures via its partnership with social justice–oriented fiscal sponsors, demonstrating a degree of autonomy from direct state ideological control. This is a base that can be mobilized, not just admired.Alongside curriculum production stands educator defense. The Freedom to Learn campaign, supported through the National Education Association’s organizing infrastructure, provides a platform for resisting censorship, book bans, and state repression of historical truth. While operating within a union framework, its financial transparency is publicly documented through NEA’s nonprofit filings and funding disclosures, allowing us to evaluate its position within the broader terrain. This layer matters because teachers are often the first line of contact between state ideology and youth—and therefore the first line of resistance.Beyond institutions tied to formal education, movement-based political education plays a decisive role. The People’s Institute for Survival and Beyond conducts nationwide “Undoing Racism” workshops rooted in structural and historical analysis, reaching organizers, educators, and community leaders. Its long-term independence and operational model are reflected in its nonprofit financial filings and funding disclosures, which allow verification of its material base. This is not curriculum in the narrow sense; it is consciousness-building tied directly to struggle.At the level of intellectual infrastructure, Rethinking Schools has spent decades producing radical educational material critiquing empire, racism, and capitalism. Its independence is reinforced through public nonprofit records detailing its funding structure, making it a durable node in the ecosystem of counter-hegemonic education. This is where teachers, activists, and students find the tools to dismantle official narratives and replace them with grounded analysis.What does this mean in practice? First, wherever the Freedom Trucks appear, they must be met—not with outrage alone, but with organized counter-presence. Teach-ins, pamphlets, community lectures, and alternative exhibits must be deployed in the same spaces: fairs, schools, libraries, and community centers. The goal is not to chase the truck but to fracture its monopoly on narrative. Second, educators must be organized and defended. The struggle over curriculum is not symbolic; it is a battle over what future generations will understand about power, exploitation, and resistance. Third, political education must extend beyond classrooms. Community-based workshops, reading groups, and movement schools must be built and expanded, creating spaces where historical truth is linked to present struggle.Finally, solidarity must be explicit. The fight against historical falsification in the United States is inseparable from the global struggle against imperialism. The same system that erases Indigenous genocide at home wages war abroad, imposes sanctions, and disciplines nations that refuse to submit. To teach the real history of the United States is therefore not an academic exercise—it is an act of alignment with the oppressed, both within and beyond its borders. The Freedom Truck seeks to produce loyal subjects. The counter-movement must produce conscious actors.
The road is already contested. The infrastructure of resistance already exists. The task now is to connect it, strengthen it, and deploy it wherever the machinery of myth attempts to roll through unchallenged.
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Venezuelans from all corners of the country converged in the capital on Thursday, April 30, to demand the end of US-imposed unilateral coercive measures, culminating in a 12-day mobilization that traversed the country with the slogan: “Venezuela without sanctions and in peace.”
The meeting at 11:00 a.m. in the Jardín Botánico sector of the Gran Cacique Guaicaipuro Highway marked the conclusion of the first phase of the Great National Pilgrimage Against Sanctions that began on April 19.
Venezuelans have taken to the streets to denounce the impact of the sanctions on the people of the nation, underscoring that they do not simply affect the government but also directly affect the daily lives and livelihoods of every Venezuelan family.

A view of the march in Caracas. Photo: Alba Ciudad.
The initiative, which has the support of Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, is an act of national unity that transcends partisan differences to prioritize the recovery of the country’s future and the right to a dignified life.
During the 12 days of pilgrimage throughout the national territory, the participants have upheld the message that the end of the economic blockade is the indispensable condition for social stability.
The arrival of the march in the Venezuelan capital marks the final milestone of a logistical and human deployment whose objective is to highlight to the international community the urgency of ending the coercive measures that suffocate the national economy.
The atmosphere in Caracas reflects the culmination of a collective effort that aims to turn the fatigue from the miles traveled into a political and social force capable of driving a change in US foreign policy toward Venezuela, reaffirming sovereignty and the pursuit of a national consensus for peace.
On Wednesday, at an event in Aragua state, Acting President Delcy Rodríguez emphasized that national unity is the main tool to overcome the financial difficulties imposed from abroad for more than a decade.
In this context, she reiterated the call to the international community to support Venezuela’s right to regain its full commercial freedom without conditions imposed from abroad.
On Thursday, Rodríguez led a massive motorized caravan as part of the popular march that symbolized the determination of a people demanding the definitive end of unilateral coercive measures and respect for national sovereignty.

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, accompanied by Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello and other leaders of Chavismo, wave to the marchers in the National Pilgrimage Against Sanctions, in Caracas. Photo: Presidential Press.
At the closing of the pilgrimage, a concert took place at the Simón Bolívar Park in La Carlota. Eight stages were set up for the concert, one for each star on the national flag.
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
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Venezuelan National Assembly Deputy Jorge Arreaza highlighted the importance of the communal system as the fundamental pillar of working-class emancipation in Venezuela.
In a social media post on Friday, May 1, Arreaza stated that the current geopolitical landscape and Venezuela’s internal reality confirm that popular organization is the only way to guarantee the State’s self-determination and democratic stability.
Nuestra historia, las actuales turbulencias geopolíticas, así como las circunstancias nacionales, lo confirman:
La COMUNA es camino y destino de la clase trabajadora de Venezuela; es LA alternativa civilizatoria que asegura nuestra soberanía, democracia real y liberación total. pic.twitter.com/n756DuM93w— Jorge Arreaza M (@jaarreaza) May 1, 2026
Arreaza called the commune a “civilizational alternative” that transcends traditional models, positioning it as the strategic objective for the total liberation of the working class.
He added that strengthening these territorial structures ensures a real and direct democracy, protecting the nation from external turbulences.
Self-Management in Cota 905: From the Most Dangerous Barrio to an Open-Air Art Gallery
The vision suggests that communal empowerment is not just a political goal but a comprehensive defense mechanism against national and international circumstances.
He added that the National Assembly will continue to promote laws and legal frameworks that allow citizens to govern from their own communities.
(Últimas Noticias) by Olys Guárate
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
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By Cira Pascual Marquina – Apr 30, 2026
I was recently in an assembly in the west of Caracas where communards were debating how to prioritize scarce resources. The discussion was not easy. People disagreed about whether to invest first in a water system, a productive initiative, or repairing a community space. Voices overlapped at times, arguments were made and remade, and decisions did not come quickly. From the outside, it might look like a routine and even tedious meeting. From within, it is very much something else: a collective effort to think through material life under pressure.
Assemblies like this are not exceptional. They are part of the ordinary functioning of a society that, even under conditions of imperialist siege, continues to organize its material and political life. This is something that is often missed in accounts of Venezuela written from afar, where attention tends to focus on “high politics”—institutional declarations, negotiations, geopolitical responses—while overlooking the dense fabric of everyday political practice that sustains the process.
My argument here is that what might be perceived as simple inertia is better understood as something deeper: the expression of an ongoing historical process that has, over more than two decades, transformed not only institutions, but the capacities of the people themselves.
To grasp the durability of the Bolivarian Revolution just four months after the kidnapping of President Maduro and the attack on the country, it is not enough to look at the state, leadership, or even economic policy, although we should not forgo the analysis on that terrain. One also has to examine a different terrain: the production of political consciousness. What is at stake is not only sovereignty in its formal sense, but the extent to which a society has developed the capacity to understand, organize, and reproduce itself—what I have referred to elsewhere as “popular sovereignty.” This is where the question of popular education becomes central.
Imperialism operates not only through material force, but through the production of meaning. Its violence is not merely destructive; it is pedagogical. Coups and coup attempts, bombardments, kidnappings, and blockades are designed to weaken a country materially, but also to instill lessons: that resistance is futile, that sovereignty is unsustainable, that submission is inevitable.
This pedagogy extends into the symbolic realm. Mainstream media narratives speak of “normalization” in Venezuela—that is, a gradual realignment with a global order dictated from the North—or, alternatively, they refer to a “dictatorship” still in place, over which looms imminent collapse. In both cases, the operation is the same: to overwrite lived reality and produce a common sense in which alternatives to the capitalist and imperialist order appear unthinkable. In this way, imperialism seeks to shape not only what people can do, but what they believe is possible.
Unfortunately, some Left sectors end up reproducing a similar framework, albeit in a different language. When they suggest—explicitly or implicitly—that what has occurred in Venezuela after January 3 amounts to treason or capitulation, they not only misrepresent the process; they also erase the agency of the Venezuelan people. In doing so, they reproduce a logic that reduces Chavistas to spectators, rather than recognizing them as protagonists of a process they have actively built and sustained.
Learning Through StruggleYet this discourse encounters limits when it confronts a politically organized society. In Venezuela, imperialism’s attempt to impose a pedagogy of resignation collides with something I encounter daily: a pueblo that has learned, through practice, to interpret and act upon its conditions. Of course, this process has unfolded unevenly—as is the case in any revolutionary experience, where political consciousness and organization develop at different rhythms across territories and sectors. But that unevenness does not negate the transformation. What exists here today is a society marked by the experience of shared political practice that spans close to three decades.
From its inception, the Bolivarian Process placed education at the center of its project. Under the leadership of Hugo Chávez, it was never treated as a secondary or technical matter, but as a decisive terrain of struggle. This orientation drew from the “Tree of Three Roots,” which includes not only independence leader Simón Bolívar and campesino revolutionary Ezequiel Zamora, but also Simón Rodríguez.
Rodríguez, the teacher of Bolívar, argued that emerging Latin American republics could not be built on inherited colonial forms of thought. His insistence that “we either invent or we err” served as a methodological principle: social transformation requires the production of new ways of thinking, grounded in practice. Chávez’s emphasis on popular education can be read as a continuation of this Robinsonian tradition (Robinson was Rodriguez’s pseudonym) under contemporary conditions.
This perspective found concrete expression in initiatives such as Misión Robinson, which, with the support of Cuban internationalist brigades, brought literacy to 1.5 million Venezuelans. But to reduce the pedagogical dimension of the revolution to formal programs would be to miss its most decisive aspect. What has unfolded over the years is something broader: a vast process in which learning takes place through participation in social and political life itself—through assemblies, mobilizations, land struggles, and organized action. It was complemented by a sustained effort at political formation, in which Hugo Chávez played a central role as a popular educator, consistently linking history and theory to the concrete, lived challenges of building socialism.
Land struggles, countercoups, and communal assemblies are not only forms of action; they are processes of formation. In them, people learn to deliberate, to confront entrenched relations of domination, to manage collective resources, to overcome non-antagonic contradictions, and to assume responsibility for shared outcomes. Through these practices, new political subjects are formed—capable of understanding, organizing, and transforming their reality.
The result has been a broad, if uneven, transformation. The revolution has not only altered access to resources or institutions; it has expanded the number of people able to think and act politically.
After the US Bombing, a Venezuelan Community Under Siege Speaks
Irreversibility: What Cannot Be UndoneIt is here that the question of irreversibility, which Chris Gilbert brought up in a recent article, becomes decisive. Drawing on the work of the Hungarian philosopher István Mészáros, Chávez argued that revolutionary processes could, under certain conditions, reach a point of no return. This notion is often interpreted in institutional terms, but its most profound dimension is at the grassroots level, where change is, for lack of a better word, molecular.
After more than twenty-seven years, the Bolivarian Revolution has generated a dense accumulation of lived political experience. Millions have participated in processes of organization, decision-making, and struggle. They have not only witnessed politics, they have practiced it.
From within that process, it becomes clear that such experience cannot be easily reversed. Institutions can be transformed, policies overturned, and resources reallocated. But the knowledge produced through lived practice—the capacity to interpret and organize—does not disappear so readily. People (including the political direction of the process) cannot simply “unlearn” what they have lived.
If the Bolivarian Revolution has functioned as a vast field of political learning, its most developed expression lies in the communes. There, collective decision-making is a daily practice. The commune is not a local refuge from the system, nor a mere administrative unit. It is a space where new social relations are forged—where, potentially, cooperation displaces competition, and where politics becomes inseparable from the organization of life itself.
At the same time, it would be a mistake to treat the communal project as self-sufficient or all-encompassing. From a Chavista, Marxist, and Leninist perspective, the commune cannot remain isolated to fulfill its truly revolutionary potential. It must become national, articulated with other spheres of power, including the government. The horizon is not a mosaic of disconnected local experiences, but the transformation of society as a whole.
This is not an abstract concern. From where I stand, it is clear that communes—still marginal in the national economy—cannot sustain or expand themselves if the state is lost to forces hostile to the revolution. Losing the government would not mean the immediate disappearance of popular organization, but it would interrupt the possibility of advancing toward a substantive democracy capable of eroding the metabolism of capital that begins to emerge in the communes.
This does not imply that support for the government must be uncritical. The relationship between popular power and the state has been contested at times since the early days of the revolution. There have been moments when the government distanced itself from the communal project, only to return to it later under pressure from organized sectors.
Against the ‘Safe’ BetThis brings us back to the defeatist declarations of Left intellectuals that I was mentioning earlier, who insist that the Bolivarian Revolution has already ended, that the government has capitulated, that what remains is little more than a hollow shell. From the outside, this can appear as realism. From within, it reflects a profound misunderstanding of the process. At its core lies a failure to grasp irreversibility.
Those who declare or imply that everything has been lost tend to focus on the government as if it were the sole repository of the revolution. From that perspective, any concession or retreat appears as definitive proof of collapse. What disappears from view is the accumulated political experience of millions of people who have learned, over decades, to organize, deliberate, and act collectively—and, through that practice, are also able to identify errors, advance critique, and push for rectification when needed.
This omission is not neutral. It often reflects either a Eurocentric lens that renders the Global South’s political subject invisible, or a crude geopolitical lens that privileges institutional form over lived experience and underestimates the agency of organized people. From that vantage point, the revolution becomes something that can be declared “over” from afar. From where I stand, that claim does not hold.
Declaring that “it’s over” is not simply an analytical mistake; it has political consequences. It makes it harder to struggle in a very difficult historical moment, contributes to demoralization, and weakens the collective capacity to navigate difficult terrain.
It is always, of course, a much “safer” intellectual wager to declare capitulation, to distance oneself, to preserve analytical purity—it is safer since the reality on the ground is rarely pretty and never certain. But that is a wager made from the outside. Within the Bolivarian Process, the defining feature has been different: a refusal to abandon the struggle while conditions remain open. Moreover, accusations of treason or capitulation are not only false but also politically harmful. They flatten complex dynamics into moral judgments and obscure the strategic terrain on which the process unfolds.
This is not simply a question of competing narratives, but of how reality itself is produced and understood. In Venezuela, these narratives encounter a specific difficulty: they collide with a politically organized movement that has learned to interpret reality together.
There are, of course, decisions in which people do not participate directly, but the debate is always present. Moreover, in robust communes, life does not follow a logic imposed from above; it is produced together, forged in assemblies and in everyday practices. That is why listening to the Chavista base—sometimes critical of specific policies but supportive of the government—matters: it makes it possible to distinguish between what is said about our reality and what is actually lived.
To defend the Bolivarian Revolution in 2026, then, is not only to denounce external aggression. It is to defend and deepen the processes through which a pueblo is learning to govern itself. And what has been learned does not disappear with a policy shift or a moment of retreat. It persists as capacity and consciousness. And that, of course, has material implications in the struggle.
There are no guarantees of victory. Revolutionary processes unfold in adverse conditions, shaped to some degree by forces that are often beyond their control. Marx compared the revolution to a mole that might go underground but remained a telluric force. What exists in Venezuela today is not an exhausted project waiting to collapse. It is a people that has learned—unevenly but decisively—to organize, to study reality, and to struggle collectively.
That accumulated experience cannot be dismissed or wished away. Nor can it be abandoned in favor of the intellectually “safe” prediction of defeat. Chavismo, forged through years of struggle and marked by a historical accumulation of political learning, remains a force with the capacity to defend, correct if necessary, and advance the process.
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In a meeting with representatives of public and private banking, the Venezuelan Banking Association, the Superintendency of Banking Sector Institutions (Sudeban), and the Vice Ministry of Digital Economy, the Central Bank of Venezuela’s (BCV) acting president, Luis Alberto Pérez González, projected a new period of “exchange rate stability.”
According to preliminary figures, Venezuela’s gross domestic product (GDP) grew in the first quarter of 2026, marking 20 consecutive quarters of economic growth.
“There are reasons to believe that the national economy will do well in the coming quarters and that inflation will decrease,” Pérez González stated from the Manuel Egaña Hall of the BCV headquarters in Caracas, according to a press release from the Venezuelan institution.
Nelson Ford, a Venezuelan economist, spoke with Sputnik about the assessment by the BCV’s acting president, the role the bank should play in the national economy, the transparency of its audits, and the challenges posed by the projected increase in the minimum wage starting on May 1.
Learning from the past
For Ford, the BCV’s first challenge is clear: to revitalize the balance of payments with foreign currency from the oil sector. The economist emphasizes that the aim is to avoid the mistakes of the Fourth Republic, when the money from Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) was essentially “locked up” in a kind of black box without effective controls.
“A methodological framework was created in compliance with the fiscal transparency standards established by multilateral financing organizations, in this case, the International Monetary Fund,” Ford explained. However, the specialist warns that Venezuela will also have to use “other strategies, given the debt conditions” of its current forced “strategic partner,” the US.
The economist highlighted that, despite illegal US sanctions, the Venezuelan economy has reached 19 consecutive quarters of growth (the official BCV report mentions 20). According to Ford, this progress has been achieved through cooperative initiatives with Russia, China, and India, as well as the BRICS framework, including the use of the digital economy as a payment mechanism in the oil sector.
The bolívar as a constitutional axis
The president of the BCV announced that both the official and parallel exchange rates have shown a significant slowdown in recent weeks. The gap between the two rates is currently at 29%, a result of more active intervention by the Central Bank.
He even highlighted that actions are being designed to facilitate the purchase and sale of foreign currency to individuals and legal entities through banks and exchange houses, but with a clear guideline: “It is time to start thinking about instruments that make it easier for people to continue increasing their preference for the bolívar.”
Ford supports this view from a constitutional standpoint: “The currency remains the bolívar, as established by Article 318 of our Constitution. We have no option, for now, to dollarize our economy.”
The economist added that flexible mechanisms will be used, but always adhering to regulations, and that the BCV must harmonize income, consumption, and inflation levels. Furthermore, he pointed to an external factor that is often left out of the domestic debate: the imbalance with Colombia. This imbalance stems from Decree No. 8, which has been in effect since 2009 and was exacerbated between 2012 and 2015. In Ford’s view, it “generated a currency distortion at the border” and affected the exchange rate between the two central banks, even violating the 1987 Basel Agreement, designed to prevent speculative attacks on the signatories’ exchange rates.
Special drawing rights
One of the most relevant technical issues in Ford’s analysis is the need to readjust international reserves and regain access to Special Drawing Rights (SDRs)—essentially, IMF members’ resources. The economist mentioned the recent creation of two large trusts: one focused on the energy and oil sector, and the other on workers. These were created after the US military invasion of Venezuela on January 3, which resulted in the kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro and the killing of over 100 people.
“We went to the IMF regarding the issue of Special Drawing Rights, but we also have our own arguments,” the expert stated, noting that energy sovereignty requires contributions beyond royalties and tax rates.
Regarding the labor liabilities accumulated since 2015 (which he described as “in an intensive care unit”), Ford explained that the state has tried to sustain them “beyond differing positions or opinions.” However, he recalled the difficult context prior to this: a sharp drop in oil prices, a reserve requirement that skyrocketed to 73%, restrictions on consumer credit, and a monetary reconversion implemented prudently by the BCV.
Salary increase
May 1st is shaping up to be a major test for Venezuelan authorities. Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has announced a “responsible” salary increase to avoid impacting inflation. When asked about this date, Ford offered a specific estimate: a possible base adjustment of $30 for the minimum wage. However, this is subject to exchange-rate differentials and the inflation rate.
“Salaries, income, and consumption are scheduled to increase progressively over three quarters. This increase must be responsible, as the acting president has stated, and capped to avoid impacting inflation,” he explained.
The economist linked this adjustment to the domestic market’s capacity to “align income and consumption,” while criticizing the “unfair trade practices imposed by economic agents” and the “devaluation imposed by neighboring countries, specifically Colombia.” According to Ford, the BCV must fulfill an essential function: regulating the market where prices originate, a task he considers still pending.
Audits, autonomy, and the disputed world order
One of the most striking announcements by the BCV president was the implementation of cross-external audits: one by a US firm hired by the US government and another hired by the Venezuelan government.
Ford praised the gesture as part of a process to “depoliticize the institutions and enshrine economic federalism.” However, he cautioned that Venezuela is not only seeking scrutiny from traditional organizations (the IMF and the World Bank) but is also pursuing audits within the framework of the BRICS and its development bank.
“The US is rethinking its monetary policy. The Bretton Woods system has not been reformed since 1945, and experiments are being conducted with nuclear energy and bitcoin mining to support a future digital currency,” Ford stated, in a reflection that connects local decisions with the profound movements of global geopolitics.
According to the economist, Venezuela is committed to a “comprehensive 21st-century socialism concept” that includes digital transformation. He mentioned projects such as the Petro, the Sucre, and Petrocaribe, among others, which he identifies as energy infrastructures that were already under development and could now be revived in a context of greater exchange rate liberalization.
The BCV president, Luis Pérez, also called for confidence in the technical expertise of the Economic Statistics Department, the rigor of the statistical processes, and compliance with international standards. “We are moving forward in a price stabilization phase in which we will reinforce the importance of the national currency by increasing confidence in it,” a BCV press release states.
According to Ford, the BCV’s expectations are part of prudent and necessary economic policies, driven by the new geopolitical context Venezuela is experiencing. “Our productive and economic sovereignty was in macroeconomic imbalance, but now it is time to get our house in order responsibly,” the expert concluded.
(Sputnik) by José Negrón Valera with Orinoco Tribune content
Translation: Orinoco Tribune
OT/JRE/SF
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Editorial note: Orinoco Tribune does not generally publish pieces older than two weeks. However, an exception is being made in this case as the current article remains as relevant today as when it was first published.
By Nikita Mazurov, Jonah Valdez – Nov 4, 2025
The tech giant deleted the accounts of three prominent Palestinian human rights groups — a capitulation to Trump sanctions.
A documentary featuring mothers surviving Israel’s genocide in Gaza. A video investigation uncovering Israel’s role in the killing of a Palestinian American journalist. Another video revealing Israel’s destruction of Palestinian homes in the occupied West Bank.
YouTube surreptitiously deleted all these videos in early October by wiping the accounts that posted them from its website, along with their channels’ archives. The accounts belonged to three prominent Palestinian human rights groups: Al-Haq, Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights.
The move came in response to a U.S. government campaign to stifle accountability for alleged Israeli war crimes against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.
“YouTube is furthering the Trump administration’s agenda to remove evidence of human rights violations and war crimes.”
The Palestinian groups’ YouTube channels hosted hours of footage documenting and highlighting alleged Israeli government violations of international law in both Gaza and the West Bank, including the killing of Palestinian civilians.
“I’m pretty shocked that YouTube is showing such a little backbone,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, executive director of Democracy for the Arab World Now. “It’s really hard to imagine any serious argument that sharing information from these Palestinian human rights organizations would somehow violate sanctions. Succumbing to this arbitrary designation of these Palestinian organizations, to now censor them, is disappointing and pretty surprising.”
After the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants and charged Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Secretary Yoav Gallant with war crimes in Gaza, the Trump administration escalated its defense of Israel’s actions by sanctioning ICC officials and targeting people and organizations that work with the court.
“YouTube is furthering the Trump administration’s agenda to remove evidence of human rights violations and war crimes.”
“It is outrageous that YouTube is furthering the Trump administration’s agenda to remove evidence of human rights violations and war crimes from public view,” said Katherine Gallagher, a senior staff attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights. “Congress did not intend to allow the president to cut off the flow of information to the American public and the world — instead, information, including documents and videos, are specifically exempted under the statute that the president cited as his authority for issuing the ICC sanctions.”
“Alarming Setback”
YouTube, which is owned by Google, confirmed to The Intercept that it deleted the groups’ accounts as a direct result of State Department sanctions against the group after a review. The Trump administration leveled the sanctions against the organizations in September over their work with the International Criminal Court in cases charging Israeli officials of war crimes.
“Google is committed to compliance with applicable sanctions and trade compliance laws,” YouTube spokesperson Boot Bullwinkle said in a statement.
According to Google’s Sanctions Compliance publisher policy, “Google publisher products are not eligible for any entities or individuals that are restricted under applicable trade sanctions and export compliance laws.”
Al Mezan, a human rights organization in Gaza, told The Intercept that its YouTube channel was abruptly terminated this year on October 7 without prior notification.
“Terminating the channel deprives us from reaching what we aspire to convey our message to, and fulfill our mission,” a spokesperson for the group said, “and prevents us from achieving our goals and limits our ability to reach the audience we aspire to share our message with.”
The West Bank-based Al-Haq’s channel was deleted on October 3, a spokesperson for the group said, with a message from YouTube that its “content violates our guidelines.”
“YouTube’s removal of a human rights organisation’s platform, carried out without prior warning, represents a serious failure of principle and an alarming setback for human rights and freedom of expression,” the Al-Haq spokesperson said in a statement. “The U.S. Sanctions are being used to cripple accountability work on Palestine and silence Palestinian voices and victims, and this has a ripple effect on such platforms also acting under such measures to further silence Palestinian voices.”
The Palestinian Center for Human Rights, which the UN describes as the oldest human rights organization in Gaza, said in a statement that YouTube’s move “protects perpetrators from accountability.”
“YouTube’s decision to close PCHR’s account is basically one of many consequences that we as an organisation have faced since the decision of the US government to sanction our organisations for our legitimate work,” said Basel al-Sourani, an international advocacy officer and legal advisor for the group. “YouTube said that we were not following their policy on Community Guidelines, when all our work was basically presenting factual and evidence-based reporting on the crimes committed against the Palestinian people especially since the start of the ongoing genocide on 7 October.”
“By doing this, YouTube is being complicit in silencing the voices of Palestinian victims,” al-Sourani added.
Looking Outside U.S.
The three human rights groups’ account terminations cumulatively amount to the erasure of more than 700 videos.
The deleted videos range in scope from investigations, such as an analysis of the Israeli killing of American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, to testimonies of Palestinians tortured by Israeli forces and documentaries like The Beach, aboutchildren playing on a beach who were killed by an Israeli strike.
Some videos are still available through copies saved on the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine or on alternate platforms, such as Facebook and Vimeo. The wiping only affected the group’s official channels; videos which were produced by the nonprofits but hosted on alternate YouTube channels remain active. No cumulative index of videos deleted by YouTube is available, however, and many appear to not be available elsewhere online.
Videos posted elsewhere online, the groups fear, could soon be targeted for deletion because many of the platforms hosting them are also U.S.-based services. The ICC itself began exploring using service providers outside the U.S.
Al-Haq said it would also be looking for alternatives outside of U.S. companies to host their work.
YouTube isn’t the only U.S. tech company blocking Palestinian rights groups from using its services. The Al-Haq spokesperson said Mailchimp, the mailing list service, also deleted the group’s account in September. (Mailchimp and its parent company, Intuit, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.)
YouTube Wipes UK Journalist’s Archive After Israeli-Linked Pressure
Caving to Trump’s Demand
Both the U.S. and Israeli governments have long shielded themselves from the ICC and accountability for their alleged war crimes. Neither country is party to the Rome Statute, the international treaty that established the court.
In November 2024, the ICC prosecutors issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant, charging the leaders with intentionally starving civilians by blocking aid from entering into Gaza. Both the Biden and Trump administrations rejected the legitimacy of the warrants.
Since his re-election, Trump has taken a more aggressive posture against accountability for Israel. In the early days of his second term, Trump renewed sanctions against the ICC and issued new, more severe measures against court officials and anyone accused of aiding their efforts. In September, in a new order, he specifically sanctioned the three Palestinian groups.
The U.S. moves followed Israel’s own designation of Al-Haq as a “terrorist organization” in 2021 and an online smear campaign by pro-Israeli activists attempting to link Palestinian Centre for Human Rights with militant groups.
The sanctions freeze the organizations’ assets in the U.S. and bar sanctioned individuals from traveling to the country. Federal judges have already issued preliminary injunctions in two casesin favor of plaintiffs who argued the sanctions had violated their First Amendment rights.
“The Trump administration is focused on contributing to the censorship of information about Israeli atrocities in Palestine and the sanctions against these organizations is very deliberately designed to make association with these organizations frightening to Americans who will be concerned about material support laws,” said Whitson, of DAWN, which joined a coalition of groups in September to demand the Trump administration drop its sanctions.
Like many tech firms, YouTube has shown a ready willingness to comply with demands from both the Trump administration and Israel. YouTube coordinated with a campaign organized by Israeli tech workers to remove social media content deemed critical of Israel. At home, Google, YouTube’s parent company, secretly handed over personal Gmail account information to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in an effort to detain a pro-Palestinian student organizer.
Even before Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza, YouTube had been accused of unevenly applying its community guidelines to censor Palestinian voices while withholding similar scrutiny from pro-Israeli content. Such trends continued during the war, according to a Wired report.
Earlier this year, YouTube shut down the official account of the Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association. The move came after pressure from UK Lawyers for Israel, which wrote to YouTube to point out that the organization had been sanctioned by the State Department.
Whitson warned that YouTube’s capitulation could set a precedent, pushing other tech companies to bend to censorship.
“They are basically allowing the Trump administration to dictate what information they share with the global audience,” she said. “It’s not going to end with Palestine.”
Nikita Mazurov is a security researcher focusing on privacy issues revolving around source protection, counter-forensics, and privacy assurance.
Jonah Valdez is a reporter for The Intercept covering politics, U.S. foreign policy, Israel and Palestine, human rights issues, and protest movements for social justice.
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By Roger D. Harris – Apr 29, 2026
Although progressives are rightly concerned about US-coerced compromises and concessions, it is equally important to understand the resilience and continuing successes of Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution. Focusing only on the half-empty aspect of the proverbial glass obscures the strength of the resistance and conceals the vulnerabilities of the imperial juggernaut.
On a delegation to Venezuela, the constant refrain from both high-ranking government officials and grassroots Chavistas – supporters of the movement led by former President Hugo Chávez – was that they were urgently “buying time.”
A quarter-century of US hybrid war on Venezuela, especially the unilateral coercive measures (sanctions), has had a corrosive effect. The current fraught détente with Washington is a window of opportunity to recover an economy operating at roughly 30% of its pre-sanctions level.
President Maduro’s kidnappingThe kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores by US special forces on January 3 was “the one scenario we didn’t expect,” according to former Venezuelan deputy foreign minister Carlos Ron.
Abducting a lawful head of state – an egregious violation of international law – is not, however, unprecedented. In 2004, the US flew Haiti’s Jean-Bertrand Aristide to the Central African Republic in what Washington claimed was a voluntary decision, but which Aristide called a kidnapping. In 1990, following a bloody invasion, the US extradited Panama’s Manuel Noriega.
Leading up to January 3, Washington had incrementally tightened its stranglehold over Venezuela. Initial sanctions imposed in 2015 evolved from targeted measures to broad sectoral restrictions, especially on oil and finance. “Secondary sanctions” followed, penalizing non-US actors engaged with Venezuela. By December an outright military “total and complete blockade” piratically seized oil tankers.
Trump also designated the so-called Cartel de los Soles as a terrorist organization, allegedly headed by Maduro. A $25-million bounty on Maduro under Biden was doubled in August. The following month, the US commenced extra-judicial murders of alleged drug runners in small boats in the Caribbean and the eastern Pacific. By October, Trump suspended all communication with the Maduro government.
Resilience and continuity Despite post-kidnapping concessions, it is instructive to consider what hasn’t happened. The political leadership did not splinter, and the country did not descend into chaos. The US-directed fate of Libya in 2011 was not to be repeated in Venezuela.
Venezuela maintained constitutional continuity. Shortly after the strike, then Vice President Delcy Rodríguez was sworn in as acting president. Other top leaders – National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez, interior minister Diosdado Cabello, and defense minister Vladimir Padrino López – remained in place and unified. The civic-military unity held fast.
Under intense US pressure, high-ranking militants have been replaced. Padrino, who was swapped for Gustavo González López, another committed Chavista, remains influential in his new cabinet position heading the critical agricultural ministry. In this whack-a-mole scenario, the major exception to the government’s strategy of yielding in form to US pressure but maintaining a Chavista essence is the new vice foreign minister for North America and Europe, Oliver Blanco, who is from the opposition.
Another triumph is that a highly divided population did not erupt into civil conflict. Instead, the attack produced a rally-around-the-flag effect, with some moderate opposition figures showing a new openness to the ruling party.
Nor was Nobel Prize winner and far-rightist María Corina Machado imposed as president. She had signaled that if she took power there would be a retaliatory bloodbath against Chavistas. Meanwhile, the US effectively abandoned the bogus claim that Maduro headed the Cartel de los Soles.
Diplomatic thaw and economic openingsOn March 7, Washington formally recognized the Venezuelan government led by Rodríguez, marking a reversal of its policy since 2019. Trump even informally referred to her as “president-elect,” though the return of Maduro from US imprisonment as the rightful chief remains Venezuela’s national priority. On April 27, the US modified sanctions to allow the Venezuelan government to pay Maduro’s defense lawyers.
Financial easing is proceeding. In the late 1990s-early 2000s, the US bought more than half of Venezuela’s oil exports. Oil sales have again resumed under a highly restructured and controlled system, while the US has also taken steps to shield Venezuelan state assets from creditor seizure. The Rodríguez government is in the process of regaining control of Citgo Petroleum, the “crown jewel” of Venezuela’s foreign assets, which the US had seized.
Washington has authorized transactions with Venezuela’s central bank and major state banks, reversing the 2019 measures that had effectively cut them off from the global financial system. This policy change allows dollar-denominated transactions and access to US financial channels.
For the first time in years, Venezuela’s core financial institutions can operate in international banking channels. What makes this significant is that it allows oil revenues from US transactions to enter the domestic economy. That in turn helps stabilize liquidity, reducing the need for monetary expansion that had fueled inflation.
On April 16, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) resumed engagement with Venezuela. Previously, the US-dominated IMF had cut Venezuela off from its $5-million “special drawing rights” (SDR). Rodríguez said she will only access its rightful SDR account to be used for social programs and not apply for loans.
Still, the core US sanctions framework remains in place, with most transactions subject to case-by-case authorization. Full unrestricted access to global capital markets has not been restored. What has been achieved is not a lifting of sanctions, but a controlled re-entry into international finance under US licensing and oversight.
ProspectsGross Domestic Product (GDP) continues its consecutive 20-quarter expansion. New and long-considered legislative reforms for hydrocarbons and minerals encourages needed foreign investment vital for economic recovery. Although the changes involved some bitter pills, the rationale is that it is better to compromise than to keep these resources in the ground where they generate no income.
Rodríguez lauded a new amnesty law, creating a “new historical moment…of national reunification.” The long-polarized Venezuelan people yearn for domestic tranquility, according to Jesús Rodríguez-Espinoza, editor of the Caracas-based Orinoco Tribune.
Venezuela has so far escaped the severity of the economic strangulation that Cuba is now suffering or the military pummeling on the scale of Iran. The US/Israeli war in the Middle East may even be creating a temporary opening for Venezuela, as Trump needs the prospect of freely available Venezuelan oil to help calm jittery oil markets.
Trump may have also calculated that engagement with the Chavistas offered greater strategic benefits than assassination or a large-scale invasion, while using the kidnapping to placate domestic hawks pushing for full regime change. Significantly for US imperial objectives, Venezuela’s connections with other counter-hegemonic countries were curtailed.
Washington’s strategy since January 3 has focused on Venezuela’s stabilization and economic recovery. Their deferred third phase, “political transition,” is another word for regime change. Rodríguez has made clear that “free and fair” elections can be held only if the blackmail of US sanctions is removed. Thousands marched in a national “Pilgrimage for a Venezuela Without Sanctions and Peace.”
The kidnapping was a military success for the US. But politically Washington had no viable alternative to the Chavistas retaining power, given their strength, according to former Venezuelan foreign minister Jorge Areaza. The only other option for the invader was to face a Vietnam style guerilla war. The Bolivarian Revolution has persisted and is still fighting. On balance, the glass is decisively more than half full.
RDH/OT
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This article by Jared Laureles and Jessica Xantomila originally appeared in the May 1, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Mexico City. Without the presence of most union leaders and with a rally that lasted less than an hour, hundreds of workers commemorated International Workers Day. Some of their representatives called for unity because “there are still many labour issues” that need to be addressed and strikes continue across the country.
In the Plaza de la Constitución, where they set up a platform in front of the National Palace, they demanded a solution to the strikes at the Nacional Monte de Piedad and the Tornel tire factory, which have lasted seven months and two months, respectively.
Gerardo Meneses, general secretary of the Tornel company union, complained that despite the armed attack they suffered, “the authorities do not listen to us” and the employer does not want to respect the Collective Bargaining Agreement or the 40-hour work week to which they are entitled.
Meanwhile, the National Union of Petroleum Technicians and Professionals (UNTyPP) denounced that for the first time in 97 years, these workers did not receive a salary increase and, on the contrary, were affected by the constitutional reform that limits the so-called golden pensions of former public servants.
He pointed out that because of that amendment, which originally concerned high-ranking officials, technicians and professionals at Petróleos Mexicanos suffered a reduction in their pensions.
“These aren’t golden parachutes, they’re pensions earned through our work. Where is the legal certainty?” complained Silvia Ramos, a member of the UNTyPP oversight and auditing committee.

Nacional Monte de Piedad strike Photo: Jay Watts
At the rally, held under a blazing sun with a heat index of 27 degrees Celsius, attended by telephone operators, pilots, flight attendants, domestic workers, and a representation of the mothers and fathers of the 43 students from Ayotzinapa, they pointed out that there is also a lag in contractual wages, due to increases in the general minimum wage.
Furthermore, they complained that judges are declaring strikes illegal before they even begin. “Where is this labour reform that this government has been touting?” they asked.
Regarding the strike at Nacional Monte de Piedad, union leader Arturo Zayún said that seven months into the conflict, more than a thousand workers have been fired and the institution’s board “insists on eliminating” the collective bargaining agreement.
“United unions will never be defeated,” “National policy for wage recovery,” and “We demand respect for our rights” were some of the slogans chanted by hundreds of workers.
Given the urgency of the meeting with President Claudia Sheinbaum at the Cultural Center of Contemporary Mexico, scheduled for after 10 a.m., the few union leaders who attended the rally left before it ended, and those who were absent sent a representative to address the workers.
Isaías González, general secretary of the Revolutionary Confederation of Workers and Peasants (CROC), acknowledged that the presence of all the leaders of the General Assembly of Workers and the Trade Union Dialogue Table was needed.
“It is necessary for those unions that are at the dialogue table (with the President) to be here, because unity is not only found at the dialogue table but also at this event of workers and workers,” he stated.
At the end of his message, the union leader from Tornel also went to the Cultural Center of Contemporary Mexico, but he was not allowed access because he was not invited.
The contingents, which barely managed to fill a third of the Zócalo square, gradually withdrew during the rally, so by the end, there were few left.

Frente Nacional por las 40 Horas Photo: Jay Watts
Trade Unions, for the Defense of Sovereignty
In the morning, contingents of workers began to gather in the vicinity of the Palace of Fine Arts to participate in the march for International Workers’ Day, which would culminate at the Zócalo in Mexico City and where a rally would be held.
The unions that make up the General Assembly of Workers (AGT) raised the defense of national sovereignty, at a time when the government of Donald Trump insists on its interventionist intentions and within the framework of the review of the USMCA.
One of the groups, made up of telephone operators, pilots, flight attendants and university workers, as well as a representation of the mothers and fathers of the 43 missing students from Ayotzinapa, gathered at the intersection of Eje Central Lázaro Cárdenas and 5 de Mayo, and prepared a van with sound equipment.
Striking workers from the Tornel rubber company were one of the largest groups and marched down Francisco I. Madero Street. Wearing black jackets, accompanied by drumming and waving flags, they shouted slogans like “Here you see the strength of Tornel!”
The mobilization began around 8:30 a.m. towards the Plaza de la Constitución, since later, around two hours later, the union leaders were summoned to a breakfast meeting with President Claudia Sheinbaum at the Centro Cultural del México Contemporáneo.
As part of this International Workers Day march, the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE) also marched from the Angel of Independence to the Zócalo to demand a salary increase and the repeal of the 2007 Issste Law for a dignified retirement.
From that point on Paseo de la Reforma, members of the Mexican Union of Electricians, workers from digital platforms and from the Cruz Azul and Pascual cooperatives also departed and met at the Angel of Independence.
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The post Mexico City Workers Call for Unity on May Day; “there are still many labour problems” appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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This article by Jessica Xantomila and Jared Laureles originally appeared in the May 1, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Mexico City. Workers from the Tornel tire factory demonstrated outside the Center for Contemporary Mexican Culture, while Mayor Sheinbaum met with union leaders, to request a meeting with her to discuss resolving the strike, which has lasted more than two months.
After marching and participating in a Labor Day rally in the Zócalo, the group of 400 Tornel workers moved towards the Cultural Center, located in Leandro Valle, and complained that they were not invited to the meeting with the president.
The protesters were attended to by the head of the Federal Center for Conciliation and Labor Registration (CFCRL), Alfredo Domínguez Marrufo, and the Undersecretary of the Interior, César Yáñez, to whom they reiterated the need to have a meeting with the head of the Executive branch.
“What we wanted was for the President to listen to us, because, frankly, the boss didn’t want to compromise with you at all,” said Gerardo Meneses, general secretary of the National Union of Workers of the Tornel Rubber Company.
He also requested a meeting with the Secretary of Labor, Marath Bolaños. “We already went to the Federal Center, and the company just walked away from the table and left us sitting there, because there’s no legal mechanism to compel them to meet with us,” he emphasized.
Domínguez Marrufo asked for time to “make the necessary arrangements again” to engage in dialogue with the parties. “We don’t want this to turn into a strike like the one at Monte de Piedad, which has lasted seven months. It hasn’t been easy,” he said.
Meneses responded that they have been waiting for a call to meet again for some time, to which the official acknowledged that it is because Alejandro Salafranca, head of the Decent Work Unit, “has not received a response from the directors, the proposal was offered to them.”
“We need to meet again,” Domínguez pointed out, “and we need to convince them that we need to reopen that plant, because both sides are losing.”
-
Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Tornel Workers Ask for President Sheinbaum’s Intervention to Resolve Strike
May 1, 2026
In March, striking workers were attacked on the picket line by an armed shock group who shot four workers.
-
Labor | May Day | News Briefs
Mexico City Workers Call for Unity on May Day; “there are still many labour problems”
May 1, 2026May 1, 2026
“Unity is not only found at the dialogue table but also at this event of workers and workers,” Isaías González of CROC stated.
-
Mexico’s Education Secretariat Will Meet with CNTE Teachers on International Workers Day
April 30, 2026
Secretary Delgado says “there is no need for demonstrations” in the streets, but stressed, “we are respectful” of the decisions they make.
The post Tornel Workers Ask for President Sheinbaum’s Intervention to Resolve Strike appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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